Thursday, October 7, 2010

The NAFTA Cultural Industries Exception

Allen Z. Hertz was senior advisor in Canada's Privy Council Office serving the Prime Minister and the federal cabinet. Earlier he was in the Foreign Affairs Department where he advised on intellectual property rights. He participated in treaty negotiations, including for the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and represented Canada at the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO). He wrote the 1987 federal Green Paper on "Semiconductor Chip Protection in Canada" and was founding editor of "Computer Law: A Report for Business and the Professions." He taught history and law at universities in New York, Montreal, Toronto and Hong Kong. As an undergraduate he was at McGill University, and then did graduate work at Columbia University where he received an M.A. and a Ph.D., in history. Dr. Hertz also has international law degrees from Cambridge University and the University of Toronto.

This posting contains Part V of "Shaping the Trident: Intellectual Property Rights under NAFTA, Investment Protection Agreements and at the WTO," which first appeared in 1997 in Volume 23 of the Canada-United States Law Journal, 261. The article was part of the Proceedings of the Canada-United States Law Institute Conference on NAFTA Revisited. The views expressed were those of the author in his personal capacity, not those of the Government of Canada. This article is current up to May 1996. Part VI appears in a posting together with Part I. Parts II-IV appear in separate postings on this website.


Introduction

As a more than 76% English-speaking country of about thirty million people[208] adjacent to the nine times larger population of the United States, Canada has for many years considered itself in danger of having its indigenous cultural expression drowned in a flood of U.S. films, television programs, sound recordings, books, and magazines.

For example, the United States produces close to 94% of the films shown in Canadian theatres and 75% of the television shows viewed in Canada,[209] where United States programs generally attract larger audiences.[210]  Even in the almost 82% French-speaking Province of Quebec, United States films (1995) constituted 81.8% of theatre showings, attracting 84.5% of the film-going audience. Only 4.1% of the province's film-goers went to see Quebec films.[211]  In 1992, the United States was the source of 87% of the feature films and 80% of other comedy or drama programming seen by television viewers in Canada.[212]  Canadian films account for no more than 3-5% of domestic audiovisual cassette rentals.[213]

Although normally pressed in Canada, sound recordings first-fixed abroad are approximately 85% of total domestic annual sales of about CDN$ 1.3 billion.[214]  Averaged over 1991-1993, United States citizens were 52% of the artists on the "Top 100" Chart for English-language recordings in Canada.[215]  Even in Quebec, the francophone music industry generates only about 33% of the recordings sold in the province.[216] Although the Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC) requires that 30% of radio music programming be Canadian in content,[217] the United States is said to be the place of first-fixation of approximately 50% of the recordings broadcast by Canadian radio stations which prefer to play United States recordings during prime time.[218]  In 1993, foreign copyright owners received 55% of the performing-rights royalties distributed by the Society of Authors, Composers, and Music Publishers of Canada (SOCAN).[219]

Similarly, Canada is the largest export market for United States books which are 79% of all book imports, supplying 60% of the Ontario market.[220]  Total book sales in Canada are 57% by foreign-controlled companies constituting 12% of the country's English-language publishers.[221] United States magazines are 80% of English-language newsstand sales.[222]  Almost 50% of Quebec book sales are made by foreign-based publishers.[223]

Canadian Government Policy

During the October 1993 federal election, the about-to-be victorious Liberal Party released a manifesto which articulated the need to take special measures to protect Canadian culture: "A Liberal government will help Canadian books, films, and sound recordings to increase their share of the domestic market through the establishment of policies and legislation with respect to marketing, distribution, and exhibition."[224]

This same theme was expressed in the Liberal government's 1995 foreign-policy statement entitled Canada in the World which identifies the "protection of Canadian values and culture" as one of the pillars of Canadian foreign policy.[225]  According to Canada in the World:
The celebration of Canadian culture and the promotion of Canadian cultural and educational industries, so that they can continue to compete at home and abroad, are central tenets of Canadian policy . . . . The Government is convinced that we can and should manage our international economic relationships so that Canadian cultural industries are effectively supported. We will remain vigilant in protecting and promoting the capacity of our important cultural industries to flourish in the global environment.[226]

Protection or Discrimination?

What is seen by one country as legitimate protection for a domestic cultural industry may be viewed by another country as a measure discriminating against foreign intellectual property (IP) owners, exporters, or investors. Consider the example of neighbouring rights to compensate record producers and performers for the secondary use (i.e. broadcasting and performance in public) of their sound recordings. Although absent from the WTO Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), these neighbouring rights exist in the Rome Convention for the Protection of Performers, Producers of Phonograms and Broadcasting Organizations, to which neither Canada nor the United States is Party.[227]  NAFTA does not require neighbouring rights which, nonetheless, feature as "related rights" in the NAFTA definition of "intellectual property rights."[228]  Absent the cultural industries exception, a Party opting to provide neighbouring rights owes record producers of another NAFTA Party at least national treatment and performers of another NAFTA Party what appears to be at least formal reciprocity.[229]

To support the domestic sound recording industry including local performing artists, Canada has for many years considered the possibility of introducing neighbouring rights. However, policy makers invariably concluded that it was not feasible to offer these neighbouring rights on a national treatment basis to United States record producers and performers. This assessment was partly based on the then absence of a corresponding right in United States law[230] and the calculation of the potential outflow of royalties to United States producers and performers who are responsible for first-fixation of approximately half the sound recordings broadcast in Canada.[231]

During the NAFTA talks, Canadian negotiators evaluated the United States demand for the application of a national treatment requirement to all the IPRs a Party might adopt or maintain inter alia in the light of the possibility that Canada might some day want to introduce neighbouring rights without offering national treatment to United States record producers and performers. Having a cultural industries exception to make room for such a derogation from national treatment was, therefore, one of the principal goals of Canada's IP negotiators. The United States negotiators clearly understood Canada's interest in possibly introducing neighbouring rights beyond the scope of NAFTA obligations. They conceded that the NAFTA cultural industries exception would excuse Canada from the obligation to provide United States record producers with national treatment inside NAFTA. However, with respect to neighbouring rights, they said the United States would always be free to press Canada for national treatment outside NAFTA.

In December 1994, there was an official announcement that Canada would soon introduce neighbouring rights as part of the upcoming copyright reform. This news prompted the United States Trade Representative (USTR) to signal strongly that "the U.S. Government and U.S. industry would be extremely concerned if U.S. performers and producers were denied national treatment under the proposed legislation."[232]

On April 25, 1996, the Minister of Canadian Heritage introduced Bill C-32. This Act to Amend the Copyright Act proposes giving Canadian record producers and performers a right to equitable remuneration for the broadcasting and performance in public of their sound recordings.[233]  The same right would extend to producers and performers of countries Party to the Rome Convention to which Canada would adhere.[234]  Canadian broadcasters, restauranteurs, etc., would not have to pay royalties for the secondary use of the sound recordings of non-Rome Convention countries whose producers and performers would remain outside the projected Canadian neighbouring-rights regime.[235] Significantly, the United States is not among the fifty Parties to the Rome Convention. However, Bill C-32 contains a provision that would permit giving reciprocal rights (full benefits) or material reciprocity (partial benefits) to record producers and performers of foreign countries not Party to the Rome Convention.[236]

In USTR's annual press release evaluating IP protection and enforcement by foreign countries round the world, notice was taken of Bill C-32 which USTR said "could discriminate against U.S. right holders." Canada was again placed on the USTR "watch list" in part because the "Administration wants to ensure that these amendments are not at the expense of U.S. copyright interests."[237]

Where Are Cultural Industries Exceptions Found?

Already a half-century old is the debate between the proponents of protecting domestic culture and the champions of national treatment for the world trading system. For example, the 1947 General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) had special provisions permitting a derogation from national treatment for the cinema screening of motion pictures.[238]  In 1950, the U.S. State Department said the screening of motion pictures is distinguishable from other trade-in-goods issues because the "value is not in the film itself, but in its earning power" at the box office.[239]  GATT 1947, Article IV, permits a Contracting Party to require the exhibition of films of national origin during a specified minimum proportion of the total screen time utilized annually in the commercial exhibition of all films of whatever origin.[240]

More recently, Canadian trade policy has worked consistently to create the sophisticated device of the cultural industries exception as a general exception operating horizontally across a whole trade agreement. In this regard, NAFTA negotiators had the precedent of the cultural industries exemption which applied to almost every aspect of the 1989 Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement (FTA).[241]  FTA, NAFTA, and Canada's Foreign Investment Protection Agreements (FIPAs) are so far probably unique in employing this feature as a general exception.

The phenomenon is most complex in NAFTA where, outside Annex 2106: Cultural Industries, Canada has no substantive rights or obligations with respect to the "cultural industries" defined in NAFTA, Article 2107. This means that, under NAFTA, the cultural industries exception is better understood as a special regime or "carve out" rather than as a discretionary exception which a Party may elect to invoke.[242]

Under Annex 2106, Canada is simply free to adopt or maintain measures with respect to the cultural industries without regard to any other NAFTA obligations, including the requirements of the IP Chapter. However, with respect to most of the subject matter of NAFTA's IP Chapter, Canada is independently bound by treaty obligations set out in TRIPS, the Paris Convention for the Protection of Industrial Property, and the Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works -- all three of which lack a general cultural industries exception. Although the implications of the NAFTA cultural industries exception have yet to be elucidated by dispute settlement panels, the attempt will be made to explain how this author expects the exception to operate.

The NAFTA Cultural Industries Exception

The NAFTA cultural industries exception is an intricate and very compact text where every word must be read with great care. It is set out in NAFTA, Annex 2106:

Notwithstanding any other provision of this Agreement, as between Canada and the United States, any measure adopted or maintained with respect to the cultural industries, except as specifically provided in Article 302 (Tariff Elimination), and any measure of equivalent commercial effect taken in response, shall be governed under this Agreement exclusively in accordance with the provisions of the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement. The rights and obligations between Canada and any other Party with respect to such measures shall be identical to those applying between Canada and the United States.
The practical effect of these words is that between Canada and the United States, measures with respect to the cultural industries, as defined by NAFTA, Article 2107, attract NAFTA rights and obligations which are identical to those prescribed for the cultural industries in the earlier FTA, which was suspended when NAFTA came into force on January 1, 1994.[243]  From an IP perspective, crucial is FTA's failure to include either an IP Chapter[244] or an "investment" definition broad enough to capture a pure or isolated intellectual property right (IPR) as opposed to an IPR figuring as an asset of a business enterprise.[245]  Apart from a requirement to protect the appellations "Bourbon Whiskey" and "Canadian Whiskey" as distinctive products of the United States and Canada respectively[246] and a "best efforts" clause referring to Canada-United States cooperation in the Uruguay Round and other international fora,[247] the only IP provision in FTA is the obligation to provide copyright holders with a right to equitable remuneration for the retransmission to the public of distant broadcast signals carrying their works.[248]

The NAFTA cultural industries exception applies between Canada and Mexico and would also apply between Canada and other countries acceding to NAFTA.[249]  For measures with respect to cultural industries, NAFTA rights and obligations between Canada and Mexico are identical to those applying between Canada and the United States. However, the NAFTA cultural industries exception does not apply between Mexico and the United States. Nor would the cultural industries exception apply between the United States and a fourth country (e.g., Chile) acceding to NAFTA.

NAFTA says the cultural industries exception applies "under this agreement", i.e. under NAFTA. This means that the NAFTA cultural industries exception does not apply outside NAFTA. International rights and obligations existing outside NAFTA are, therefore, unaffected by the NAFTA cultural industries exception. For example, the NAFTA cultural industries exception does not apply at the WTO.

Consider a hypothetical Canadian cultural industries measure[250] denying national treatment to United States and Mexican nationals with respect to the copyright owner's reproduction right in a literary work, e.g., a book. Under NAFTA, the United States and Mexico would not be entitled to respond with a counter-measure of equivalent commercial effect because the Canadian cultural industries measure would not be inconsistent with the FTA which lacks any provision with respect to reproduction rights. However, as WTO Members, the United States and Mexico would be entitled to bring a complaint to the WTO Dispute Settlement Body, because national treatment for the copyright owner's reproduction right also features in TRIPS.[251]

Cultural Industries Measures

The focus of the NAFTA cultural industries exception is a "measure" under NAFTA. According to NAFTA, a "measure" includes any law, regulation, procedure, requirement or practice.[252] The NAFTA cultural industries exception addresses a measure "with respect to cultural industries" which are defined as "persons" engaged in certain specified activities.[253] Under NAFTA, a "person" means a natural person or an enterprise, and an "enterprise" is any entity constituted or organized under applicable law, whether or not for profit, and whether privately owned or governmentally owned, including any corporation, trust, partnership, sole proprietorship, joint venture, or other association.[254] Under NAFTA, falling within the scope of the "cultural industries" are:
(a) publication, distribution or sale in print or machine-readable form of music, books, magazines, periodicals, and newspapers; (b) production, distribution, sale, or exhibition of films and other video recordings and audio and audio-video music recordings; (c) satellite programming; broadcast network services; radio, television, and cable broadcasting undertakings (e.g., activities, enterprises); and radio-communications intended for direct reception by the general public.[255]
However, the NAFTA cultural industries exception does not apply to the printing and typesetting of books, magazines, periodicals, and newspapers.[256]  Nor does the NAFTA cultural industries exception apply to tariff elimination. The NAFTA cultural industries exception, therefore, does not affect the tariff elimination obligations set out in NAFTA, Article 302.[257]

Notwithstanding any other NAFTA provision, a measure with respect to cultural industries is governed under NAFTA exclusively by FTA provisions.[258]  This is a significant feature because, with specific exceptions, cultural industries are also exempt from FTA provisions.[259]  The specific exceptions to the FTA cultural industries exemption are tariff elimination;[260] Canada's obligation to offer fair open-market value when requiring divestiture following a United States investor's indirect acquisition in a Canadian cultural industry;[261] each Party's obligation to provide copyright holders with a right to equitable remuneration for the retransmission to the public of distant broadcast signals carrying their works;[262] and the obligation to repeal the print-in-Canada requirement.[263]

Counter-measures

The other side of the coin is how NAFTA treats a counter-measure of equivalent commercial effect taken in response to a measure under the NAFTA cultural industries exception. Notwithstanding any other NAFTA provision, the counter-measure is governed under NAFTA exclusively by FTA provisions.[264]  With respect to a counter-measure of equivalent commercial effect taken in response to a cultural industries measure, FTA says that notwithstanding any other FTA provision, a Party may take measures of equivalent commercial effect in response to actions that would have been inconsistent with FTA, but for the cultural industries exemption.[265]

Here "inconsistent" must be construed narrowly according to the customary international law rules for interpreting treaties.[266] To be inconsistent with each other the cultural industries measure and the FTA provision must be mutually repugnant or contradictory, so that the one cannot stand alongside the other.[267]

For a proper understanding of the cultural industries exception's operation it must be understood that inconsistency with an FTA provision is the trigger for a counter-measure suspending NAFTA benefits. The day the Canadian, Mexican, and United States negotiators finished their work, they issued an agreed Description of the NAFTA. This August 12, 1992 trilateral Statement says: "Each country reserves the right to take measures of equivalent commercial effect in response to any action regarding cultural industries that would have been a violation of the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement but for the cultural industries provisions." This view has been reiterated by the United States. In the 1993 NAFTA Statement of Administrative Action submitted to Congress, the United States government said:
The United States agreed to include the exemption only in return for an explicit agreement that any action by Canada that would have been inconsistent with the Canada/U.S. Free Trade Agreement in the absence of the exemption would be subject to immediate suspension of trade benefits by the United States.
A counter-measure suspending NAFTA benefits cannot be justified by a claim that a NAFTA cultural industries measure has caused non-violation nullification or impairment of an FTA benefit carried forward under NAFTA Annex 2106.[268]  In other words, a counter-measure under Annex 2106 cannot be characterized as a response to a cultural industries measure which is not inconsistent with FTA provisions. To be entitled to take a counter-measure under Annex 2106, the original cultural industries measure must be inconsistent with FTA provisions.

Under NAFTA, a cultural industries measure that is FTA inconsistent permits a counter-measure of "equivalent commercial effect."[269] This means that, in business terms, the value of the benefits suspended by the counter-measure must be proportional to the value of the benefits denied by reason of the original measure's inconsistency with FTA provisions. The policy aim is to re-establish between the Parties the balance of concessions under NAFTA, Annex 2106, which, with respect to cultural industries, carries forward FTA rights and obligations. If a NAFTA cultural industries measure is inconsistent with an FTA provision, there is no requirement to withdraw the inconsistent measure. However, the other Party is permitted to suspend NAFTA trade concessions or other NAFTA benefits because the cultural industries exception specifically says that, under NAFTA, a measure of equivalent commercial effect is justified notwithstanding any other NAFTA provision.

It would seem that, under Annex 2106, a counter-measure may be applied in the same sector or in other sectors because FTA, Article 2005(2), does not preclude the possibility of cross-retaliation which, within the NAFTA context, is consistent with both customary international law and Article 60 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties.[270] Under Annex 2106, a counter-measure may, therefore, respond in the same sector as the original cultural industries measure or against any other NAFTA benefits, e.g., equivalent benefits with respect to trade in goods and services.

Retorsion

If a NAFTA cultural industries measure is not inconsistent with an FTA provision, another Party is not entitled to suspend trade or other benefits under NAFTA. However, outside NAFTA, there are likely to be some purely discretionary trade or other benefits which might be suspended as the counter-measure of a NAFTA Party responding to a NAFTA cultural industries measure that is not inconsistent with an FTA provision. In this regard, the rationale is that customary international law does not require "a State . . . to allow trade with any country, let alone an unfriendly State."[271] Therefore, a State judging itself aggrieved by an unfriendly act is, after bilateral consultations and absent any contrary customary law or treaty requirement, generally free to deny equivalent trade or other benefits as a counter-measure characterized as retorsion. The aggrieved State may take this counter-measure even though the "offending" State has committed no wrongful act, i.e. no breach of treaty or other violation of international law.[272]

Effect on Rights and Obligations Under Other Treaties

A NAFTA cultural industries measure may be not inconsistent with an FTA provision, but nonetheless violate another treaty between two or more NAFTA Parties. Subject to any contrary provision in that other treaty, the Party in breach attracts international responsibility to restore things to their previous condition or to make reparation in an adequate form.[273]  In this case, the Party which has been wronged by breach of the treaty other than NAFTA should, in the first instance, follow any dispute settlement procedure set out in that other treaty.[274]  For example, the WTO Dispute Settlement Body should be used for breaches of the WTO agreements covered by the WTO Understanding on Rules and Procedures for the Settlement of Disputes.

If the other treaty lacks a dispute settlement procedure, the Party claiming to be wronged by the breach should first seek a remedy through consultations with the Party alleged to be in breach. If the matter is not settled through consultations, the Party claiming to be wronged by the breach may affirm its rights via a counter-measure having some degree of equivalence with the alleged breach.[275]  The aim of the counter-measure is to restore equality between the Parties and to encourage the negotiation of an acceptable solution.[276]

Effect on WTO Rights and Obligations

Many trade concessions are covered by both NAFTA and a WTO agreement. Therefore, specific benefits, suspended as a counter-measure of equivalent commercial effect taken in response to a NAFTA cultural industries measure inconsistent with FTA provisions, may have the effect of suspending WTO concessions. If so, the NAFTA Party suffering the suspension of trade concessions would be entitled, as a WTO Member, to bring a complaint to the WTO Dispute Settlement Body. The complaint could be brought to the WTO because the NAFTA cultural industries exception operates only under NAFTA where the suspension is unilateral, i.e., not authorized by a NAFTA panel or other international tribunal. Consequently, the NAFTA Party suspending trade concessions as a NAFTA counter-measure could not use res judicata,[277] or a GATT-style argument tantamount thereto, to convince a WTO panel not to proceed with the dispute. Furthermore, because the Uruguay Round Final Act was adopted[278] in 1994 and NAFTA in 1992, NAFTA ranks as lex prior and thus cannot be said to constitute a subsequent inter se waiver of WTO rights.[279]

Recourse to NAFTA Panels

With some exceptions,[280] dispute settlement under NAFTA Chapter 20 applies with respect to the avoidance or settlement of all inter-Party disputes regarding NAFTA's interpretation or application.[281]  If NAFTA trade concessions or other benefits are wrongfully suspended in response to a NAFTA cultural industries measure which is not inconsistent with FTA provisions, the NAFTA Party suffering the suspension could probably have recourse to the NAFTA dispute settlement procedures.[282]  The NAFTA panel would have to determine whether or not the alleged counter-measure is indeed a measure of equivalent commercial effect taken in response to a NAFTA cultural industries measure inconsistent with FTA provisions. The initial burden of proof would be on the complainant.[283] In other words, the Party suffering the wrongful suspension of NAFTA benefits would be expected to provide some evidence to convince the panel that the alleged counter-measure is not a measure of equivalent commercial effect taken in response to a NAFTA cultural industries measure inconsistent with FTA provisions. Thereafter, the burden of proof would probably shift to the NAFTA Party claiming to have taken the responding measure of equivalent commercial effect under NAFTA Annex 2106. The burden might shift to the defendant because a Party invoking an exception must show that it meets all of the conditions of the exception which is to be construed narrowly.[284]  For example, there could be a requirement to establish that the counter-measure conforms with the proportionality (equivalent commercial effect) demanded both by NAFTA Annex 2106 and customary international law.[285]

The panel would have no jurisdiction to proceed with the complaint if the counter-measure is found to be a measure of equivalent commercial effect taken in response to a NAFTA cultural industries measure inconsistent with FTA provisions. However, the panel could continue to deal with the complaint if the counter-measure is found not to be a measure of equivalent commercial effect taken in response to a NAFTA cultural industries measure inconsistent with FTA provisions.

No Cultural Industries Exception at the WTO

The October 1993 Francophonie summit in Mauritius adopted a resolution calling for the insertion into the Uruguay Round Final Act of a NAFTA-style cultural industries exception.[286] During the final months of the Uruguay Round, NAFTA Annex 2106, was being looked at very carefully as a possible model for the treatment of the audiovisual sector in the draft WTO General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS).[287]  With the support of Canada, Brazil and some European countries outside the European Communities, the European Commission proposed (December 10, 1993) that GATS be equipped with a provision that would allow a WTO Member to rely on cultural reasons as an excuse for maintaining restrictions.[288]  However, when negotiations ended on December 15, 1993, a cultural industries exception featured neither generally in the Uruguay Round Final Act nor particularly in GATS or TRIPS.

Under GATS, a cultural industries exception was ultimately deemed to be unnecessary because Canada made no market-access or national-treatment commitments with respect to cultural services. Similarly, European negotiators understood that the Uruguay Round Final Act's "bottom up" architecture did not require a cultural industries exception to limit the impact of GATS on their audiovisual sector. Under GATS, the European Communities made no commitment on audiovisual services[289] and along with Canada and some other countries took MFN exemptions for certain cultural services, e.g., to accommodate bilateral film co-production agreements.[290]

TRIPS is expected to manage very well without a cultural industries exception because TRIPS does not include the "top down" NAFTA national treatment obligation which generally applies to all the IPRs a Party adopts or maintains.[291]  Furthermore, with respect to substantive obligations, TRIPS carefully omits certain key rights. For example, absent from TRIPS are almost all performers' rights, and record producers' neighbouring rights with respect to broadcasting and performance in public. Moreover, TRIPS incorporates, from the Rome Convention and elsewhere, a series of specific exceptions which together are expected to do much of the IP work of the NAFTA cultural industries exception.[292]

For example, consider the record producer's reproduction right which features in both NAFTA and TRIPS.[293] The hypothesis is a levy on blank tapes as a royalty to compensate only domestic[294] record producers for the private copying of their sound recordings. A NAFTA Party which is also a WTO Member would need NAFTA Annex 2106 to deny national treatment to record producers of another NAFTA Party[295] and the problematic TRIPS "private use" exception drawn from the Rome Convention[296] to withhold national treatment from record producers of WTO Member countries.

[Part VI: Conclusion appears together in a posting with Part I.]

NOTES

208. Alanna Mitchell, "Population to Hit 30 Million in '96," Globe & Mail, (Toronto), Jan. 10, 1996, at A1, A6.

209. Ontario, Ministry of Culture, Tourism, and Recreation, The Business of Culture: Report of the Advisory Committee on a Cultural Industries Sectoral Strategy 90 (Aug. 1994). However, Statistics Canada informs the author that Canadians spent only 63.6% of their Fall 1994 television viewing time, watching foreign programs, whether broadcast by domestic or foreign stations.

210. Nordicity Group Ltd., Economic Impact of Home Taping on Audio-Visual Works, Report for Departments of Industry and Canadian Heritage 91 (Sept. 1994).

211. Ray Conlogue, "Quebec's Movies Are Stars," Globe & Mail, (Toronto), Jan. 11, 1996, at A14.

212. Nordicity Group Ltd., supra note 210, at 92.

213. Etude Economique Conseil, Evaluation des impacts economiques et non-economiques d'une legislation concernant l'introduction d'un droit de location dans le cadre de la revision de la Loi sur le droit d'auteur. Report for Department of Canadian Heritage (Aug. 1994), at iv, xiii, 34-35.

214. Written submission of Canadian Independent Record Production Association (CIRPA) to Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade Cultural Advocacy Seminar, Ottawa, Feb. 19-20, 1996. According to Ontario's Ministry of Culture, 84% of sound recording sales in Canada are made by six multinational corporations, with only 16% by Canadian-owned independent record labels. See Ontario, Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Recreation, The Business of Culture: Report of the Advisory Committee on a Cultural Industries Sectoral Strategy 87-88 (Aug. 1994).

215. Arthur Donner & Fred Lazar, Neighbouring Rights: A Financial and Economic Analysis, Report for Department of Canadian Heritage (Oct. 1994), at Table 60.

216. Andrew McIntosh, "Minister Proposes Mexico-Quebec Cultural Alliance Against U.S," Gazette, (Montreal), Mar. 8, 1996, at D3.

217. Some say content rules have been essential in creating a "space" for Canadian music in domestic broadcast schedules and for the last 25 years' growth of a Canadian-controlled sector of the domestic sound recording industry. The Canadian-controlled production companies are said to be responsible for first fixation of approximately 70% of the sound recordings with Canadian content. However, with more than a hundred Canadian groups signed to multinational labels, foreign-controlled firms are said also to play an important role in developing an indigenous music industry. Claiming that Canadian radio stations are not playing enough Canadian music during key time periods, Canadian record producers are now calling for stricter "Cancon" requirements. See H.J. Kirchhoff, "Review Cancon Rules, Group Says," Globe & Mail, (Toronto), Mar. 6, 1996, at A12-13.

218. Donner & Lazar, supra note 215, at 45, 63, 66.

219. Id., at 20.

220. Ontario, Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Recreation, The Business of Culture: Report of the Advisory Committee on a Cultural Industries Sectoral Strategy (Aug. 1994), at 83.

221. Id., at 82.

222. Id., at 85. Canadian periodicals even up the score in subscription sales.

223. McIntosh, supra note 216, at D3.

224. Liberal Party of Canada, Creating Opportunity: The Liberal Plan for Canada 88-89 (1993).

225. Canada in the World: Government Statement, i-iii, 10-11, 22, 34-39 (1995).

226. Id., at 39.

227. Rome Convention, art. 12. With respect to secondary use, Rome, Article 16(1)(a), permits a Party the possibility of: (i) not providing the rights; (ii) only providing the rights with respect to certain uses [e.g., for broadcasting but not for performance in public]; (iii) not applying the rights to sound recordings made by a producer who is a national of a country not Party to Rome; (iv) using material reciprocity in applying the rights to sound recordings made by a producer who is a national of a country Party to Rome.

228. NAFTA, art. 1721: Definitions.

229. NAFTA, art. 1703(1).

230. On November 1, 1995, President Clinton signed the Digital Performance Rights in Sound Recordings Act which, with respect to all sound recordings distributed in the United States, gives record performers and producers rights covering the transmission of their sound recordings via digital audio specialty subscription services.

231. Donner & Lazar, supra note 215, at 45, 63, 66.

232. United States Trade Representative, 1995 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers (Washington, 1995), at 36. The same language is repeated in USTR's 1996 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers (Washington, 1996), at 35-36.

233. Sec. 19.

234. Secs. 20 and 91(b).

235. Sec. 68(2)(a)(i).

236. The possibility of reciprocal rights is set out in Section 22(1) and of material reciprocity in Section 22(2).

237. United States Trade Representative. USTR Announces Two Decisions: Title VII and Special 301, (Washington, D.C.) Apr. 30, 1996, at 12.

238. See 1 GATT Index, supra note 148, at 209-11.

239. See Jackson, supra note 119, at § 12.6, 293, n. 1.

240. The same provision has been carried forward into GATT 1994 which incorporates GATT 1947. See Final Act Embodying the Results of the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, Annex 1A: Multilateral Agreements on Trade in Goods, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 1994, paragraph 1(a).

241. FTA, art. 2005: Cultural Industries, Ivan Bernier, "La dimension culturelle dans le commerce international: quelques reflexions en marge de l'accord de libre-echange Canada/EtatsUnis du 2 janvier 1988," 25 Can. Y. B. Int'l L. 243-62 (1987). See also Michael Hart, Decision at Midnight: Inside the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Negotiations 384 (1994). Hart is incorrect in saying that the FTA cultural industries exemption provides for "offsetting action under the dispute settlement provisions." FTA, Article 2011(2), clearly indicates that the dispute settlement procedures in FTA, Chapter 18: Institutional Provisions, do not apply to the cultural industries as covered in FTA, Article 2005.

242. The distinction between a "carve out" like NAFTA, Annex 2106, and a discretionary exception which a Party may elect to invoke can be illustrated by comparing Annex 2106 with, e.g., Rome Convention, Article 15(1)(a), which stipulates: "Any Contracting State may, in its domestic laws and regulations, provide for exceptions to the protection guaranteed by this Convention as regards private use." For the relevant Parties, NAFTA rights and obligations with respect to the cultural industries are limited to Annex 2106. However, under the Rome Convention, the exception permitted by Article 15(1)(a) appears not to apply until a Party chooses the option, in its domestic laws and regulations, of providing for exceptions to the protection otherwise required by the treaty. The distinction between a carve out and a discretionary exception could be relevant in assessing whether a requirement of Rome national treatment (Article 5) applies to a Rome Party volunteering to enact a right of equitable remuneration to compensate record producers for the private copying of their sound recordings. In this connection, some would argue that Rome, Article 15(1)(a), permits a Party to withhold protection as regards the private use of sound recordings, but would nonetheless require Rome national treatment if a Party volunteers protection with respect to private use, e.g., home taping (private copying) of sound recordings.

243. Canada and the United States exchanged two sets of letters (Jan. 19 and Dec. 30, 1993) explicitly constituting a bilateral understanding that FTA be suspended for such time as the two countries are NAFTA Parties. This means that FTA would resume if either country leaves NAFTA. See Johnson, supra note 157, at 16.

244. For FTA's omission of an IP Chapter, see Hart, supra note 241, at 382-83: "The United States had sought a major chapter that would significantly improve the protection of U.S. IP in Canada and establish a general body of rules that could act as a starting point in developing a multilateral code of conduct for the protection of IPRs. No such chapter was agreed upon. In the end, the United States was not prepared to compromise on its demand that Canada dismantle compulsory licensing of pharmaceuticals. Canada was similarly not prepared to give in to the United States on this issue and insisted that the price of any chapter was United States willingness to give up its section 337 proceedings for Canadian products. This the United States was not prepared to do. As a result, the whole chapter disappeared. Canada was not unhappy to see the end of the IP chapter. Stronger protection of IP was not a high priority, although the government would have been prepared to live with it in return for greater and more secure access to advanced technology, another concession the United States found difficult."

245. Compare the definition of "investment" in FTA, art. 1611: Definitions, with the corresponding definition in NAFTA, art. 1139: Definitions.

246. FTA, art. 806: Distinctive Products.

247. FTA, art. 2004: Intellectual Property.

248. FTA, art. 2006.

249. NAFTA, Annex 2106: Cultural Industries: "the rights and obligations between Canada and any other Party with respect to such measures shall be identical to those applying between Canada and the United States."

250. Here, a "cultural industries measure" or a "NAFTA cultural industries measure" should be understood to mean "any measure adopted or maintained with respect to cultural industries" under NAFTA, Annex 2106: Cultural Industries.

251. TRIPS protects the author's reproduction right by requiring WTO Members to comply with the substantive provisions of the 1971 Paris Act of the Berne Convention. See TRIPS, art. 9(1).

252. NAFTA, art. 201: Definitions of General Application.

253. NAFTA, art. 2107: Definitions.

254. NAFTA, art. 201: Definitions of General Application.

255. NAFTA, art. 2107: Definitions.

256. Id.

257. NAFTA, Annex 2106: Cultural Industries.

258. Id.

259. FTA, art. 2005: Cultural Industries.

260. FTA, art. 401: Tariff Elimination.

261. FTA, art. 1607(4): "In the event that Canada requires the divestiture of a business enterprise located in Canada in a cultural industry pursuant to its review of an indirect acquisition of such business enterprise by an investor of the USA, Canada shall offer to purchase the business enterprise from the investor of the USA at fair open market value, as determined by an independent, impartial assessment."

262. FTA, art. 2006: Retransmission Rights.

263. FTA, art. 2007: Print-in-Canada Requirement.

264. NAFTA, Annex 2106: Cultural Industries.

265. FTA, art. 2005(2).

266. See Jenks, supra note 163, at 428: "The presumption against an interpretation which involves a conflict between law-making treaties is simply a detailed application of such fundamental principles of treaty interpretation as the principle of reasonableness, the principle of good faith, and the presumption of consistency with international law."

267. In terms of interpretative technique, the problem of inconsistency between a domestic measure and a treaty is analogous to the problem of inconsistency between two treaties. See Karl, supra note 207: "incompatibility of contents is an essential condition of conflict . . . ." According to Black's Law Dictionary, 689 (5th ed. 1979): inconsistent means "mutually repugnant or contradictory; contrary the one to the other, so that both cannot stand, but the acceptance or establishment of the one implies the abrogation or abandonment of the other . . . ."

268. Certain is the exclusion of a complaint alleging non-violation nullification or impairment of benefits from the scope of a counter-measure justifiable under NAFTA, Annex 2106: Cultural Industries, because of the reference to "inconsistent" in FTA, Article 2005(2), and FTA, Article 2011: Nullification and Impairment, where paragraph 2 specifically says that FTA, Article 2011(1), shall not apply to FTA, Article 2005: Cultural Industries.

269. For the requirement of proportionality, including measures of equivalent commercial effect, see Laurence Boisson de Chazournes, Les contre-mesures dans les relations internationales economiques 39, 45, 52, 187-200 (1992).

270. Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, Article 60, deals with "termination or suspension of the operation of a treaty as a consequence of its breach". Article 60(1) and (2) refer to "suspending the operation of the treaty in whole or in part" without any specification as to which particular part of the treaty would be subject to suspension.

271. Oscar Schachter, International Law in Theory and Practice: General Course in Public International Law, 178 Recueil des Cours, pt. V, 185 (1985).

272. See also id. at 167-87. See Boisson de Chazournes, supra note 269, at 24, 54-55.; Henkin et al., supra note 173, at 579-83.

273. Manuel Diez de Velasco, 1 Instituciones de derecho international publico, 652-53 (9th ed. 1991).

274. For the legitimacy of counter-measures to bring the offending State to arbitration or to provide the complainant State necessary interim protection not otherwise available. See Boisson de Chazournes, supra note 269, at 46-47; Rosenne, supra note 46, at 168; Schachter, supra note 271, at 172-75.

275. See Rosenne, supra note 48, at 184: "In the modern law of treaties, a breach, even when fully established, . . does not possess the character of an implied reservation nor does it operate in itself to terminate the treaty. The new legal relationship between the parties to the treaty brought about by the breach entitles the injured party to invoke various remedies, including the right to terminate the treaty through appropriate procedures in order to redress the injury caused by the breach as an internationally wrongful act."

276. See Schachter, supra note 271, at 170.

277. See Fitzmaurice, supra note 205, at 158-60. "Res judicata is a general principle of international law." See Lauterpacht, supra note 92, at 325-26; Rosenne, supra note 90, at 84. In Effect of Awards of Compensation Made by the United Nations Administrative Tribunal (1954) I.C.J. Rep., at p.53: The Court said that it is a "well-established and generally recognized principle of law" that "a judgment rendered by a judicial body is res judicata and has binding force between the parties to the dispute."

278. Sinclair, supra note 68, at 98: "It seems clear that, in determining which treaty is the 'earlier' and which the 'later,' the relevant date is that of the adoption of the text and not that of its entry into force. Adoption of the second treaty manifests the new legislative intent."

279. NAFTA, art. 103: Relation to Other Agreements, affirms existing rights and obligations under GATT and other agreements. The reference to GATT does not embrace the subsequent Uruguay Round Final Act, but rather refers to GATT 1947 as it was when NAFTA was adopted. This interpretation is supported by comparing Article 103 with NAFTA, Article 2005: GATT Dispute Settlement. Article 2005 specifically refers to the "General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, any agreement negotiated thereunder, or any successor agreement (GATT) . . . ." Similarly, NAFTA, Article 2101(1), refers to "GATT Article XX and its interpretative notes, or any equivalent provision of a successor agreement . . . ."

280. For example, excluded from the scope of dispute settlement under Chapter 20 are review and dispute settlement in anti-dumping and countervailing duty matters which are handled under the procedures in Chapter 19.

281. NAFTA, art. 2004: Recourse to Dispute Settlement Procedures.

282. Annex 2106 measures and counter-measures remain "under this Agreement" (i.e. under NAFTA) where they operate (notwithstanding any other NAFTA provision) exclusively in accordance with FTA provisions. For dispute settlement jurisdiction over measures under NAFTA, Annex 2106, relevant are the arguments for jurisdiction over disputes arising from the unilateral denunciation of a treaty with a compromissory clause. See D. W. Greig, supra note 34, at 511: "If the denunciation is legally valid, then the Court has no jurisdiction, because the clause forming part of the treaty is also invalid. On the other hand, if the Court is to rely upon the clause as a basis for its jurisdiction, is it not pre-judging the dispute in favour of the treaty's validity? The dilemma is more apparent than real. A dispute arising out of an act of termination, withdrawal, etc., is as much a dispute relating to the interpretation or application of the treaty as would arise from any other alleged breach of its provisions. It would be most unsatisfactory to countenance the possibility that, by contending that a treaty was terminated, a party could destroy the jurisdiction bestowed by the treaty for resolving disputes arising thereunder. The Court must have what might be called a provisional jurisdiction to decide whether the purported termination is effective." Similarly, a NAFTA panel must have a provisional jurisdiction to decide the status of the alleged Annex 2106 counter-measure. This conclusion in favour of recourse to a NAFTA panel is supported by the impossibility of constituting a panel under the FTA which was suspended on January 1, 1994.

283. According to the July 13, 1995 Model Rules of Procedure for Chapter 20 of the North American Free Trade Agreement, Rule 33, "A Party asserting that a measure of another Party is inconsistent with the provisions of the Agreement shall have the burden of establishing such inconsistency."

284. Id., Rule 34, "A Party asserting that a measure is subject to an exception under the Agreement shall have the burden of establishing that the exception applies." A Party invoking a provision providing for an exception must demonstrate the conformity of its actions with the provision. See 2 GATT Index, supra note 55, at 750-51.

285. For the requirement of proportionality, including measures of equivalent commercial effect, see Boisson de Chazournes, supra note 269, at 39, 45, 52, 187-200.

286. Le Monde, (Paris), Oct. 19, 1993, at 9.

287. "GATT/Audio Visual: Mitterrand Calls for Cultural Exemption Clause," Eur. Rep., 1888, at V; External Relations, (Brussels), Sept. 25, 1993, at 10-11; "EC Movie Protection Sought," Wall St. J., (New York), Oct. 5, 1993, at A13; Jamie Portman, "Europeans Battle American Cultural Juggernaut in Trade Talks," Gazette, (Montreal), Oct. 6, 1993, at B3; Jack Ralite, "Le vol du public," Le Monde, (Paris), Oct. 15, 1993; "Bill Clinton rejette l'idee d'un traitement specifique pour l'audiovisuel," Le Monde, (Paris), Oct. 16, 1993; "Le nouveau defi americain" and "M. Sutherland s'emploie a rassurer les professionels europeens du cinema et de l'audiovisuel," Le Monde, (Paris), Oct. 17-18, 1993, at 1; Mario Vargas Llosa, "De l'exception culturelle francaise" Liberation, (Paris), Oct. 19, 1993, at 6; "From 'Fast Track' to French Films, Making Sense of the World Trade Talks," Wall St. J., (New York), Dec. 13, 1993, at A6.

288. See Croome, supra note 13, at 372.

289. Id., at 376.

290. Canada, Dept. Foreign Aff. & Int'l Trade, Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organization: Canadian Statement on Implementation, Canada Gazette pt. I, Dec. 31, 1994, at 4933. Id., at 4924: "Under the GATS, market access and national treatment are not automatic. They flow from the result of specific commitments entered into by a member on particular sectors or sub-sectors, in light of negotiations, and which are recorded in each member's national schedule, appended to and fully part of the GATS."

291. Compare TRIPS, Article 3: National Treatment, with NAFTA, Article 1703: National Treatment.

292. For example, TRIPS, Article 3(1), refers to the exceptions already provided in the Paris, Berne, and Rome Conventions and to the Washington Treaty on Intellectual Property in Respect of Integrated Circuits. Some Berne and Rome Convention exceptions are also applied with regard to TRIPS, Article 4: Most-Favoured-Nation Treatment. See paragraph (b).

293. NAFTA, art. 1706(1)(a), and TRIPS, art. 14(2).

294. Here, the hypothesis sidesteps the entirely separate question of MFN. Some say the TRIPS, Article 4, MFN requirement does not apply to domestic regimes to compensate record producers for the private copying of their sound recordings. As one of the justifications for denying MFN to all WTO record producers, there is a not entirely plausible argument that the producer's domestic remuneration right with respect to private reproduction is something entirely distinct from the TRIPS right to authorize or prohibit the direct or indirect reproduction of the sound recording. More convincing is the contrary argument that, both economically and legally, the larger TRIPS right to "authorize or prohibit" in logic already contains the lesser right to receive equitable remuneration. In this connection and in other respects, there is a probability that WTO panels will soon have to answer a number of significant questions touching private-copying regimes.

295. NAFTA, art. and Annex 2106: Cultural Industries.

296. TRIPS, arts. 3(1) and 14(6), are thought to apply the "private use" exception in Rome Convention, art. 15(1)(a), to the record producer's exclusive reproduction right in TRIPS, Article 14(2).

Saturday, August 14, 2010

Muslims, Christians and Jews in 16th-Century Ottoman Belgrade


Allen Z. Hertz was formerly senior advisor in the Privy Council Office serving Canada's Prime Minister and the federal cabinet. He also worked in Canada's Department of Foreign Affairs and earlier taught history and law at universities in New York, Montreal, Toronto and Hong Kong. As an undergraduate, he was at McGill University, where in 1967 he received his B.A. with First Class Honours and the Minister of Education's Gold Medal in History. In 1973 he received his Ph.D. from Columbia University, where he specialized in East European and Ottoman history. Dr. Hertz also studied public international law, with his LL.B. degree from Cambridge University and his LL.M. from the University of Toronto.



Ottoman Empire, 1300-1683.

Foreword

Belgrade is now the capital of the Republic of Serbia. However, from 1521 to 1867, the town was protected by the soldiers of the Ottoman sultan whose Muslim, Ottoman-Turkish Empire dominated the Near and Middle East for the four centuries before the end of the First World War. However, the Turks also reached deep into Eastern Europe, with the 16th- and 17th-century Ottoman Empire including almost all of the Balkan Peninsula, as well as the territory of modern Hungary, Romania, Moldova, and parts of Ukraine.

Principally based on my reading of a 16th-century Ottoman-Turkish tax register now housed in the Turkish State Archives, this paper first appeared in The Mutual Effects of the Islamic and Judeo-Christian Worlds: The East European Pattern, edited by Abraham Ascher, Tibor Halasi-Kun and Béla K. Király (New York, 1979), pp. 149-164.

The article was written in 1975-1976, when I was Visiting Assistant Professor in the History Department at McGill University in Montreal. The research was supported by a grant from the USA National Endowment for the Humanities to the Ottoman Domesday Research Group of the Institute on East Central Europe at Columbia University in New York.




Ottoman Conquest of Belgrade 1521.


Introduction

From prehistoric times until the present, the Belgrade promontory overlooking the confluence of the Sava and Danube Rivers has been a favorite spot for human settlement. This location was defended on two sides by formidable streams and made even more inaccessible by the heights rising sharply from the shore. Here a relatively secure life combining fishing, agriculture and livestock raising was possible. Furthermore, the inhabitants of this headland enjoyed substantial advantages in trade. Such commercial opportunities were, of course, related to unparalleled access to the Sava and Danube Rivers. In addition, Belgrade lay directly on the main Balkan land-route linking Central Europe and Asia Minor.

For these same reasons, the town has also always been a valuable military position. Thus, more often than not, Belgrade has been the site of a major fortress coveted by a long succession of warlike peoples. Celts, Romans, Byzantines, Bulgars, Serbs and Hungarians were only some of the conquerors who held this stronghold in the course of its turbulent history.

After Constantinople fell to the Turks in 1453, Sultan Mehmet II in 1456 made an unsuccessful attempt to capture Belgrade, which did not fall into Ottoman hands until 1521. With the exception of three short periods of Habsburg rule, a Turkish garrison was in Belgrade until 1867.


Failed Ottoman Attempt to take Belgrade, 1456.

Upon the 1521 Ottoman conquest of Belgrade, the defeated Hungarian soldiers were permitted to return home and the Serbian townsmen were deported to a village near Istanbul. In their stead, an Ottoman force occupied the citadel and Turks, Vlachs, Gypsies and Jews were encouraged to settle in the town. Such population transfers were a common Ottoman practice designed to cut ties with the past and strengthen the sultan's control of newly-won possessions. During the twenty years from the 1521 Turkish conquest of Belgrade to the Ottoman subjugation of Hungary (1541), the town fully earned its nickname darülcihat or "gate of holy war." And thereafter, Belgrade continued to be a principal launching pad for several Ottoman campaigns into Central Europe. At the same time, it was the capital of the Ottoman province (sancak, liva) of Semendire (Smederevo), which occupied more or less the same territory as Serbia before 1878.


1456 Ottoman Siege of Belgrade.


Ottoman domesday book or tax register

This present study is based largely upon an unpublished Ottoman domesday book (defter-i mufassal) housed in the Prime Ministry Archives in Istanbul (tahrir defteri 517). This tax register is written in the Ottoman-Turkish language, in this instance expressed in the specialized Arabic handwriting known as siyaqat. This chancery script is particularly difficult to interpret because it characteristically omits the diacritical dots that in many cases distinguish one Arabic letter from another.


Sample of Ottoman siyaqat script.

The 755-page register attempts to survey taxable human settlement in the liva-i Semendire. Manuscript pages 363 to 381 are devoted to the population and agrarian production of the town of Belgrade. The document was executed by the official census taker (defter emini) Bali Mustafa at some time shortly before September 2, 1570 (1 rebiyülâhır 978).

The Ottomans were hardly concerned with obtaining a complete statistical picture of the entire population which might reveal sex and age structure and the many other demographic facets central to the concerns of a modern census bureau. Rather, they sought to provide a fairly accurate assessment of the state revenues to be derived from the populace, within the context of the existing tax law. This fiscal legislation consisted of the particular code (kanunname) applicable to that province, supplemented by specific decrees (emr-i şerif), e.g., authorizing exemptions for special groups performing public service.

For example, 52 of the 191 adult-male Gypsies of Belgrade possessed just such a document recognizing their existence as a corporation of tax-exempt state servants (cemaat-i müselleman). As such, they were "free from haraç, ispence and other extraordinary taxes and customary dues" in return for their labor as blacksmiths on the vessels of the Ottoman fleet, docked in the harbor of the lower fortress. Similarly, in the 1530s, 72 Vlach households had enjoyed comparable privileges in exchange for guarding the imperial powder magazines.[1]

Bali Mustafa had therefore to assign each potential taxpayer to the proper classification. With the exception of the civilian Muslims, all other groups whether ethnic, religious or vocational were perceived as constituting cemaats -- congregations, corporations, assemblies, religious communities, military units. Thus, the Jews of Belgrade were the cemaat-i Yahudiyan and the artillerymen the cemaat-i topçuyan.

To complete this inventory of the taxpaying and the tax exempt, it sufficed to record the adult-male population. Children and women were not enumerated except for those few Christian widows liable to taxation as household heads. Accordingly, the census results were generally expressed not in terms of the total number of individuals inhabiting a given quarter (mahalle), but by the total number of households (hane). For this reason, the present data can offer no information regarding family size, which renders impossible exact computation of the total population.

Despite this evident drawback, the 1570 census provides valuable evidence about the town and its inhabitants. For example, reading the defter has enabled compilation in the Ottoman-Turkish language of an alphabetical list (see below) of the various Belgrade occupations, including the number of individual practitioners by religion.

18th-century Ottoman Belgrade.


The town's layout

Geographically, Bali Mustafa divides Belgrade into three basic units -- the town itself (varoş); the upper fortress (kale-i balâ); and the lower fortress (kale-i zir). Although in terms of location and function the upper fortress formed the core of Ottoman Belgrade, the varoş was the real focus of urban life. Bounded by the Danube River on one side, the Sava River on the other side and by the upper fortress in the middle, the varoş extended south into the country where town life quickly gave way to agriculture. The varoş boasted an active market place (câ-i pazar), public baths, the government storehouse (ambar-i hassa) and nine different mosques.



Belgrade, a largely Muslim town


The varoş was the venue for most of the merchants and artisans, and all of the farmers. Here, as in the other two sections of the town, Muslims formed the overwhelming majority of the population. Bali Mustafa counted 481 Muslim households. In addition, for tax purposes, he separately identified fifteen imams, 16 müezzins and one sipahi, almost all of whom were probably also family heads. Accordingly, the varoş probably housed well over five hundred Muslim households, distributed throughout fifteen separate mahalles inhabited exclusively by their coreligionists.

Almost invariably bearing Islamic names, the Muslims of Belgrade cannot be assigned an ethnic classification. The domesday data, therefore, generally furnishes no clues which might allow us to determine whether these families were actually Turks, or Muslims of another ethnic origin. In any case, such ethnic or national consciousness probably did not exist in 16th-century Belgrade. All these Muslims probably felt themselves to be part of the ecumenical Islamic community, which found its political expression in the empire of the Ottoman sultan whom Sunni Muslims regarded as successor to the Prophet Muhammed.


16th-century Muslim merchants

Gradually, the testimony of both historical documents and linguistic research is prompting a reevaluation of the Ottoman role in the Balkans. Contemporary historians are no longer satisfied with the assumption that four centuries of Turkish rule can be adequately judged based on impressions drawn from the last 150 years. Thus, some attention to the question of Balkan commerce will reveal the great differences between the 16th and 19th centuries. Specifically, the stereotype of the Balkan merchant under the Ottomans demands that he originate from one of the subordinate ethno-religious groups.

Indeed, Belgrade then contained a substantial colony of Ragusan merchants whose special status required that they be omitted from the domesday book. Recent research has revealed much about these Ragusan activities that would appear to justify the traditional view of Balkan traders.[2]

Yet, all of the Belgrade merchants (tacir) and boatmen (sefinei) enumerated in the 1570 census were Muslims. The substantial role of these Muslim businessmen is corroborated by contemporary account books of the Ottoman customs-house at Buda. On the basis of this Buda material, it is clear that Muslim merchants and boatmen dominated domestic commerce on the Ottoman Danube and enjoyed a monopoly of the important grain trade.[3] Furthermore, every one of the approximately one hundred entries indicating shipments from Belgrade to Buda or Pest also records the name of a Muslim merchant or ship's captain. Although wheat was the staple -- barley, rye, rice, grapes, figs, chickpeas, dried fruit, honey, olive oil, vinegar, pepper, flax and flour were all traded by Belgrade's Muslim merchants. They also also dealt in textiles, dyestuff, leather goods, clothing, hardware, confections (helva), prepared meats and livestock. Along with the merchants of the Ragusan enclave and the Jews (described below), these Muslim traders made 16th century Belgrade a significant center of Balkan commerce.


Ottoman impact on the Serbian language

If data on the ethnic origin of the Muslim townsmen is lacking, information on the division of labor is abundant. Of the 513 adult-male Muslims of the varoş, over two hundred are identified by trade, official position or profession, as summarized in the list of occupations presented below. 160 of these men were engaged in commerce, transport, services and crafts, while the remainder occupied religious and governmental posts. With the exception of agriculture, smithery, stonemasonry and tanning, Muslims virtually monopolized every civilian job category.

In this respect, the picture presented by the defter conforms with the results of linguistic research. For almost a century, philologists have concerned themselves with the phenomenon of Ottoman-Turkish loan-words in the languages of southeastern Europe. No Balkan language has borrowed more heavily from the Ottoman-Turkish language than Serbian, and nowhere in the Serbian language are "Turkisms" more common than in the realm of urban life, artisanry and trade.[4]  Evidence of this kind is probably indicative of the strong cultural influence of one civilization upon another.

This process is well illustrated by the social relationships reflected by the 1570 census. In this light, the Ottoman presence in Serbia cannot be regarded as sterile. After all, the medieval South Slavs had had little interest in town life. Preoccupied with livestock raising and agriculture, they preferred to live in many small villages.[5] The Belgrade which emerged in the first century of Turkish rule was consequently very much a product of an Ottoman civilization that linked the town with the Near and Mideast.


Belgrade's Christians

After the Muslims, the next largest community of the varoş was that of the Christians (cemaat-i gebiran). Bali Mustafa counted 212 Christian households distributed throughout seven mahalles. Although the Ottoman census here too does not specify ethnic group, Belgrade's earlier history would suggest the presence of large numbers of Vlachs. Confirmation of this supposition may be sought in onomastic analysis, for the domesday book generally provides both the name of the taxpayer and that of his father. Still, Vlach anthroponyms are exceedingly difficult to distinguish from South Slavic personal names. Centuries of interaction, intermarriage, a common faith and parallel subjection to identical third-party influences had lessened the differences between originally distinct peoples. Nonetheless, historical documents very like the present domesday book have furnished us with anthroponyms of individuals forming groups specifically identified as Vlach. Just such name lists were published by Karel Kadlec in his classic study on the Vlachs and the Vlach law.[6]

A comparison of the Christian (gebiran) names from the present defter with the Kadlec material reveals that more than two-thirds of the Belgrade anthroponyms may be considered to be Vlach. Among these appellations are many which the Vlachs shared with the South Slavs and some which they did not. Thus, Boğdan, D’ure, İstepan (Stepan), Istoyan (Stoyan), Marko, Nikola, and Radoye are personal names which may be viewed as either Serbian or Vlach. By contrast, Filip, Kuman, Mane, Manoylo, Maruş, Mire, Pavel, Radu, Radul and Rafil are clearly Vlach. Finally, the very common name "Peter" almost invariably appears in a Vlach form as "Petre," but only once in its Serbian guise as "Petar."[7]

Whatever the difficulties of ethnic analysis, the picture is clear with reference to occupation or profession. In this respect, it is apparent that almost all the Christians of the varoş were engaged in agriculture with special emphasis on wheat and grape must. In addition, two kinds of barley (şair, arpa), rye, honey, fruit and vegetables were cultivated on a relatively large scale. Added to the canonical tithe[8] on this produce, the defter reveals taxes on 17 separate mills (resm-i asiyap) and another levy on vineyards (resm-i dönüm-i bağan). In contrast to most other villages of the county (nahiye), Belgrade paid none of the dues relating to stockbreeding (âdet-i ağnam, bid’at maa bojit’, resm-i ağıl). Accordingly, the town’s needs for meat, animal fat and hides were satisfied by rural producers. Despite this omission, the detailed assessment for Belgrade's Christian community indicates a scale of agriculture sufficient to monopolize almost all of its labor. Through their efforts, the Christian peasants of the varoş made the town one of the more important agricultural centers of Ottoman Serbia.

Apart from farming, only eight other professions were practiced by 13 Christian townsmen. Bali Mustafa recorded three Christian tailors and two each of priests, tilemakers, bakers, and stonemasons. In addition, there was one each of carpenter, matmaker and quarryman. Although the defter fails to identify Christian tanners, one of the Christian quarters is labeled "district of the tanners."[9] Here, the names of 37 adult-males appear without job classification. Many of these individuals were probably involved in the preparation of hides. Clearly, the Christian community's vocational spectrum was relatively narrow. Assuming the domesday book to be comprehensive, Belgrade's Christians must have satisfied many of their daily needs through recourse to Muslim artisans.


Belgrade's Muslim and Christian Gypsies

Although the third group in size, the 192 adult-male Gypsies[10] of the varoş were the most enigmatic component of the population. Two peculiarities justify this designation of mystery. First, the Belgrade Gypsies formed a mixed Muslim and Christian community. Second, their Christian names were for the most part markedly Vlach. In as much as a characteristically Muslim name indicates Islamic faith, 97 of the Gypsies surveyed were Muslim and the remainder probably Christian. Nonetheless, the line between the two faiths could not have been sharp, for in several instances members of the same family bore names normally associated with the two different religions. Thus Yovan and Ali were both sons of Grade, and İstepan the brother of Kurt. Similarly, Bolko, Gazanfer and Kurt were all sons of Pıryak (Prijak). Data of this kind suggests a gradual process of conversion from Christianity to Islam. This conclusion is supported by the appearance 36 times of the Muslim name Abdullah, “the servant of God.” In each instance, Abdullah appears as a sub-inscription denoting the name of the registrant's father. As such, it was probably the Ottoman hypocoristic glossing over a Muslim convert’s "infidel" descent.

This impression of the Gypsies' easy transition from one faith to the other is corroborated by 19th-century observers. According to Ami Boué, the Gypsies "change their religion with as much ease as their domicile...." And, François Pouqueville opined: "Ready to follow all religions, the Bohemians [Gypsies] have not any religion at all."[11] Whatever the worth of these flippant assessments of Gypsy piety, the census structure suggests that Gypsies were regarded as distinct from the other Muslims and Christians. As in the 19th century, the Gypsies were then probably not fully accepted by either community.[12]

The Vlach character of the non-Islamic Gypsy anthroponyms is especially salient. Again employing the Kadlec list as a yardstick, we discover the correspondence of close to fifty of the almost seventy different names. Many of these appellations are common to more than one Balkan people. Others are more distinctive, e.g., Dorkun (Drokun), Bobe, Bota, Buta, Kalana, Korda, Kuman, Manoylo, Mire, Murşa, Petre, Radul and Yarul. In addition "Gabriel" appears neither in its Ottoman form "Gebrail" nor as the Serbian "Gavrilo," but in the Vlach way as "Gevril."

The domesday book conforms to the Balkan stereotype in associating Belgrade's Gypsies with metalwork. As above indicated, 52 of them serviced the Ottoman Danube fleet and performed whatever smithery was needed in the fortress. But for one locksmith, their kinsmen in the varoş were registered without any information regarding profession. Any assessment of Gypsy agriculture or livestock raising is absent. Consequently, the 140 non-service, adult-male Gypsies paid none of the agrarian dues and tithes rendered by the Christian peasants of the varoş. At the same time, ispence, the customary (örfi) poll- or gate-tax, was not levied upon these civilian Gypsies of Belgrade.[13]


Belgrade's Jews

Subject to the same freedom from ispence and agricultural taxes was the Jewish community of the varoş. Together with the 16 adult-male Jews of the town of Semendire (Smederevo), the twenty adult-male Jews of Belgrade are the only ones which the domesday book records. On this basis, permanent Jewish residence in the other towns and villages of the sancak may probably be ruled out.

Although the census preserves no indication of the manner in which the small Jewish community earned its livelihood, contemporary Hebrew sources point to local commerce and Danube trade. Thus, among the published responsa of the Sephardic Rabbi Samuel of Medina (circa 1506-1589) appears one case relating to 16th-century Belgrade Jews. In this legal process -- Ruben, Simon, Levy and Yehuda are all mentioned in connection with the leasing and exploitation of a shop, warehouse and residence constituting part of the Muslim vakıf (trust) properties located in the town.[14]

Similarly the published (1599) judicial decisions of Rabbi Samuel ben Moses Kalai (circa 1500-1582) include a record of the official proceedings of a Belgrade Jewish communal court. Meeting on November 3, 1547, this body heard testimony relating to a brigand attack upon Jewish merchants, travelling by boat from Belgrade to Buda. In addition to this information concerning the existence of Jewish Danube merchants, the inquiry protocol specifically says there was a synagogue in Belgrade.[15]

It is noteworthy that both of these cited cases refer to Jewish travel or trade between Belgrade and Ottoman Buda, where there was then a much larger Jewish settlement.[16]  Moreover, the circumstance that these two cases appear in early printed collections of Hebrew-language Rabbinic responsa, published in Salonika and Venice respectively, probably indicates that Belgrade's small Jewish community also kept close ties with other centers of Jewish life. In this respect, it would be nice to be able to classify the Belgrade Jews as Ashkenazim, Sephardim or Rumanyots. Unfortunately, the personal names preserved in our defter are biblical anthroponyms common to all three of these Jewish traditions.


The Ottoman army

Abandoning the varoş, Bali Mustafa continued his survey in the upper fortress where 615 cannon and mortar of all sizes held the heights for the sultan.[17]  Here, the overwhelming majority of the population consisted of the various units of the Ottoman armed forces. Nonetheless, one civilian mahalle of 17 Muslim households surrounded the mosque of Sultan Süleyman (cami-i şerif-i hazret-i hudavendigâr). Twelve of these noncombatants practiced eleven different trades. There were two müezzins and one each of imam, tailor, saddler, barber, merchant, carder, carpenter, shoemaker, iron boot-tip maker and button maker. The services which they were able to provide the garrison were supplemented by several soldiers who were also artisans. Thus, the Janissaries (müstahfazan) had four carpenters (neccar) and both the azaps and martolos had one tailor each. Altogether, the Ottoman garrison here consisted of 541 men, of whom 380 were Muslim and 161 Christian.


Inter-faith relations in the Ottoman army

The 230 Janissaries were exclusively Muslim. Their commander Nashuh was also the governor (dizdar) of the upper fortress. The artillerymen were separated into a Muslim unit of 36 and a special Christian contingent of ten commanded by a Christian serbölük. The four bombardiers (kumbaracı) were all Muslim, but the 21 limancı (military stevedores) were of both faiths. In this instance, there are two examples of Christian officers (seroda) commanding Muslim enlisted men. The combined unit of marines, caulkers and carpenters (cemaat-i azaban ba kalafatçıyan ve neccaran) was formed by one hundred Muslims and 47 Christians, serving side by side within the same odas. Finally, of the 93 martolos, 86 were Christian and only seven were Muslim. Their commander, the ağa-i martolosan Hudaverdi was a Muslim, but four of his six officers (seroda) were Christian. Again, here two Muslim soldiers served in odas commanded by Christian officers.

Common service and personal contact prove the existence of far friendlier inter-faith relations than prevailed in later centuries. Certainly, the barrier between Muslims and Christians in the 16th-century Turkish army was not insuperable. However, the succeeding period witnessed fewer Christians in the Ottoman armed forces. This phenomenon has generally been ascribed to the competition of Muslims who forced their way into traditionally Christian units (e.g., the martolos). However, the Christian military service reflected in this domesday book is probably indicative of an environment favorable to Islamization. Is it not possible that the gradual decrease of Christians in the Ottoman army was the product of conversion? According to this view, exactly those Christian elements (e.g., the Vlachs), with a strong tradition of military service, would be the most susceptible to Islam. Their desertion would tend to exhaust the military skills of the Christian community. And, this process would ultimately render the remaining Christians less qualified to serve and less willing to regard the army as a viable career.


Muslims of the lower town

Between the water and the heights, a relatively flat strip of shoreline accommodated the lower fortress (kale-i zir). Here, an exclusively Muslim population inhabited both the lower town and a citadel known as Bölme (barrier). The latter was held by a Janissary garrison of 41 which included one each of imam and müezzin. In addition, Bölme boasted a civilian population of fifty households grouped around the Hasan Ağa mosque and another three families living near the Bölme landing (iskele). The remainder of the lower fortress stretching as far as the harbor was occupied by three civilian quarters. Here, 73 households worshipped in the cami-i şerif-i hazret-i padişah. Bali Mustafa recorded little of their activities. There were four imams, five müezzins, and two vakıf officials (kaim). More secular needs were served by two each of boatmen and porters; and one each of merchant, perfumer, barber, carpenter and butcher. If these were indeed the sole tradesmen, the lower town could not rival the commercial activity of the varoş.


How big was Belgrade's population?

The enumeration of Belgrade complete, Bali Mustafa had entered into the domesday book the names of 1,654 inhabitants. 582 of those registered formed part of the Ottoman garrison. The remainder were civilians, of whom there were 823 names representing households (hane) and another 249 names inscribed "by person" (neferen). As the hane/neferen distinction appears fiscal and not demographic, it seems preferable to treat the entire civilian population as one unit consisting of 1,072 households.

Although the total number of persons constituting each household will never be known, some historians familiar with Ottoman domesday research have fastened upon five as a reasonable fiction.[18]  Adherence to this arbitrary convention will not guarantee authenticity. It will, however, preserve the possibility of comparison with the estimates for other 16th-century Ottoman towns whose population has been calculated on the same assumption. On the basis of five persons per household, Belgrade’s civilian population was in the neighborhood of 5,360 individuals distributed as follows: Muslims 3,240; Christians 1,060; Gypsies 960; and Jews 100.

To the total civilian population, Turkish historian Ömer Lutfi Barkan generally adds ten percent. This addition is designed to cover "certain army units, the entourage of high civilian and military officials, the Janissaries, the employees and servants of the imperial court for certain towns and finally the slaves" all of whom tend to be omitted from the domesday books.[19]  However, our 1570 Belgrade census already includes the Muslims (421) and Christians (161) of the Ottoman garrison. For this reason, Barkan’s addition of ten percent will not be employed.

Instead, two noncombatants for each member of the military will be added to the corresponding civilian population. This addition (1,164) is an estimate intended to capture soldiers' families and other dependents, as well as some of the unregistered categories detailed by Barkan. Accordingly, our calculation of Belgrade’s civilians will rise to 6,524 distributed as follows: Muslims 4,082; Christians 1,382; Gypsies 960; and Jews 100. If soldiers and civilians are considered together, Belgrade’s total population was probably around 7,106 distributed as follows: Muslims 4,503; Christians 1,543; Gypsies 960; and Jews 100.


Belgrade compared to other towns in the sancak

Employing the identical calculation method, we may now turn to the same domesday book to compare Belgrade’s population with that of the other major towns of the sancak:
  • Semendire (Smederevo) probably had a total population of around 4,496 distributed as follows: Muslims 3,366; Christians 970; Gypsies 80; and Jews 80.
  • Užice probably had a total population of about 3,175 (consisting of 2,955 Muslims and 220 Christians).
  • Valjevo perhaps had a total population of around 2,700 (consisting of 2,420 Muslims and 280 Christians).
  • Rudnik probably had a total population of around 1,620 (consisting of 655 Muslims and 965 Christians).
Belgrade’s status as the province’s largest center is immediately apparent. Like Belgrade, the towns of Semendire, Užice and Valjevo were predominantly Muslim. Although largely Christian, Rudnik had a substantial Muslim minority. In this context, Belgrade can be seen as fairly typical of urban life in 16th-century Ottoman Serbia.


Belgrade compared with Ottoman towns elsewhere

From other Ottoman provinces, similar domesday data reveals the likely population (1571-1580) of some selected cities. Thus, Belgrade was more populous than Monastir (5,918), in the same category as Sofia (7,848), but far behind Sarajevo (23,485) and Bursa (70,686). Of course, all these Ottoman towns were dwarfed by Istanbul's agglomeration of about 700,000 individuals.

Like Belgrade, the cities of Istanbul, Bursa, Edirne, Ankara, Tokat, Konya, Sarajevo, Monastir, Skopje, Sofia, Siroz and Larissa were largely Muslim. By contrast, Christians predominated in Athens, Sivas, Trikala and Nicopolis, and Jews constituted the majority in Salonika.[20]  Among Ottoman towns, Belgrade was of relatively modest size. Nonetheless, it was a full participant in an Ottoman urban civilization that left a deep mark on the various Balkan cultures and languages.

________________________________________________________

Appendix


Belgrade Vocations: Muslims(M) and Christians(C)

ağa (3M), head of military unit, cemaat.
alemdar (1M), standard bearer, a military rank.
arabai, arabacı (4M), teamster or cartwright.
attar (1M), perfumer or druggist.
azap, kalafatçı, neccar (100M, 47C), marine, caulker, carpenter.
baçdar (1M), toll-collector.
bakkal (7M), grocer.
bezzaz (3M), linen draper.
canbaz-i esb (3M), horse dealer.
cebei, cebeci (4M), armorer.
cerrah (2M), surgeon.
çilingir (2M, 1M Gypsy), locksmith.
çizme-duz (4M), bootmaker.
debbağ (4M, 37C), tanner.
dizdar (2M), fortress commander.
düğmei (2M), maker or seller of buttons.
dülger (2C), carpentar.
emin (1M), official, steward, custodian, trustee.
gülâbi (1M), rosewater maker, julep maker.
habbaz (2M, 2C), baker.
halife (3M), deputy head of guild.
hallaç (1M), carder.
hamami (1M), keeper of public bath.
hâmil (3M), porter.
hayyat (10M, 4C), tailor.
helvai (4M), confectioner.
ilbad (12M), carder.
imam (21M), leader of Muslim prayer.
kâhyai (2M), warden of trade guild.
kaim (5M), official of vakıf (Muslim trust).
kalafatçı (see, azap), caulker.
kalai (7M), tinker, tinsmith.
kasap (25M), butcher.
kâtip (2M), clerk, scribe.
kazgani (6M), coppersmith, cauldron maker.
kefşger (14M), shoemaker.
kethüda (4M), deputy head of military unit.
kumbaracı (5M), bombardier.
kuşçu (1M), bird dealer, falconer.
kürekçi? or kürkçü? (1M), oarmaker? or furrier?
limancı (3M, 18C), military stevedore.
martolos (7M, 86C), militia man.
muy-tab (2M), hair-rope maker.
muzeduz (1M), bootmaker.
müezzin (26M), one who calls Muslims to prayer.
müsellem (52MC Gypsies), tax-exempt public servant.
müstahfaz (271M), garrison soldier, Janissary.
naibelşeri’ (1M), judge.
nakarazen (2M), kettledrummer.
nalbent (5M), blacksmith, farrier.
nalça-ger (2M), maker of iron boot-tips.
nassah (1M), tailor.
neccar (8M), carpenter.
nefyei (2M), matmaker.
pop (2C), Orthodox priest.
saka (1M) water carrier or Janissary corporal.
saraç (7M), saddler.
sefinei (8M), boatman.
semerci (1M), packsaddle maker.
senktraş (1M, 2C), stonemason.
serbölük (31M), head of unit of ten Janissaries.
seroda (12M, 6C), head of unit of ten soldiers, marines.
sertraş (6M), barber.
sertopçuyan (1M), head of artillerymen.
seyyaf (1M), maker or seller of swords.
sipahi (2M), cavalryman.
tacir (12M), merchant.
taşçı (1M, 1C), quarryman.
tave-gir (2C), brickmaker or tilemaker.
tellâl (6C), town crier or commercial broker.
topçu (36M, 10C), artilleryman, gunner.
turşucu (1M), maker or seller of pickles.
voyvoda (1M), mayor or town governor.
zer-ger (1M), goldsmith.

______________________________________________




NOTES

1. B. Djurdjev, “Belgrade,” Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, I, p. 1164.

2. J. Tadić, Dubrovačka arhivska gradja o Beogradu: knjiga I, 1521-1571. Gradja za istoriju Beograda, Belgrade, 1950; R. Samardžić, “Belgrade, centre économique de la Turquie du nord au XVIe siècle,” in La ville balkanique XVe-XIXe siècles, Studia Balcanica III, ed., N. Todorov (Sofia, 1970); V. Čubrilović, ed. Istorija Beograda, I (Belgrade, 1974), chapter IX, “Ragusians in Belgrade in the 16th and 17th centuries,” pp. 423-51.

3. L. Fekete-G. Káldy-Nagy, Rechnungsbücher türkischer Finanzstellen in Buda (Ofen), 1550-1580: Türkischer Text, Budapest, 1962, p. 749.

4. M. Mladenović, “Die Herrschaft der Osmanen in Serbien im Licht der Sprache,” Südost-Forschungen 20 (1961), pp. 159-203; A. Knežević, Die Turzismen in der Sprache der Kroaten und Serben, Meisenheim am Glan, 1962, pp. 397-407; A. Škaljić, Turcizmi u srpskohrvatskom jeziku, Sarajevo, 1966; F. Miklosich, “Die türkischen Elemente in den südost- und osteuropäischen Sprachen,” Denkschriften der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften: philosophisch-historische Classe 34-35, Vienna, 1884-1885.

5. J. Cvijić, La péninsule balkanique: géographie humaine, Paris, 1918, p. 257.

6. K. Kadlec,Valaši a valašské právo v zemích slovanských a uherských, Prague, 1916, pp. 451-68.

7. Ottoman scribes were sensitive to this Petre/Petar distinction as is clear from recently published domesday material, see G. Bayerle, Ottoman Tributes in Hungary According to 16th-Century Tapu Registers of Novigrad, The Hague-Paris, 1973, p. 138.

8. Earlier domesday material defines the tithe or öşür as one seventh or one eighth of the grain harvested and a full one tenth of vegetables and grape must. See B. McGowan, “Food Supply and Taxation on the Middle Danube (1568-1579),” Archivum Ottomanicum 1 (1969), p. 190.

9. Mahalle-i debbagin der varoş.

10. Like Jews and members of the Ottoman military, adult-male Gypsies were, for tax reasons, enumerated neferen (as individuals) and not by hane (household). Despite this peculiarity, there were probably 192 Gypsy households in the varoş.

11. Quoted by A. G. Paspati, Etudes sur les Tchinghianés ou Bohémiens de l’Empire ottoman, Constantinople, 1870, p. 13 n.1.

12. Idem., pp. 12-13.

13. On this particular exaction, see H. Inalcik, “Ispendje,” Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, IV, p. 211.

14. A. Hananel-E. Eškenazi, eds., Evrejski izvori za obšestveno-ikonomičeskoto razvitie na balkanskite zemi prez XVI vek, Sofia, 1958, I, pp. 219-20.

15. Idem., pp. 468-71.

16. L. Fekete, “Budin,” Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, I, p. 1285, refers to 75 Jewish households in Ottoman Buda (circa 1550). But, more recently published Ottoman census material for Buda from the year 1546 indicates about 220 adult-male Jews, divided among a total of 99 households. See G. Káldy-Nagy, Kanuni devri Budin tahrir defteri, 1546-1562, Ankara, 1971, pp. 10-11 and 14-15.

17. For an inventory of armaments and munitions of Ottoman Belgrade from the year 1536, see H. Šabanović, Turski izvori za istoriju Beograda, Belgrade, 1964, pp. 283-84.

18. Ö. L. Barkan, "Essai sur les donnés statistiques des régistres de recensement dans l’Empire ottoman aux XVe et XVIe siècles," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient I (1958), pp. 9-36; idem., “Quelques observations sur l’organisation économique et sociale des villes ottomanes des XVIe et XVIIe siècles,” Recueils de la Société Jean Bodin, VII, La Ville: deuxième partie, Institutions économiques et sociales, Brussels, 1955, p. 293, n. 1; T. Halasi-Kun, "16th-Century Turkish Settlements in Southern Hungary," Belleten 28 (1964), p. 68; the household-size puzzle is surveyed by McGowan, op. cit., pp. 157-164. Employing a different method, McGowan suggests 4.59 as the appropriate household size for late 16th-century Semendire sancak. This question is further discussed in three articles on Serbia in Household and Family in Past Time, eds., P. Laslett-R. Wall, Cambridge, 1972, pp. 335-427.

19. Barkan, “Quelques observations...,” p. 293 n.1.

20. Idem., pp. 292 and 295.

Sunday, June 27, 2010

Anti-Semitism Could Kill Six Million Jews in Israel: Letter to My 94-Year-Old Aunt



Allen Z. Hertz was senior adviser in Canada's Privy Council Office serving the Prime Minister and the federal cabinet. Earlier he was in the Foreign Affairs Department where he advised on intellectual property rights. He participated in treaty negotiations, including for the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and represented Canada at the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO). He wrote the 1987 federal Green Paper on "Semiconductor Chip Protection in Canada" and was founding editor of "Computer Law: A Report for Business and the Professions." He taught history and law at universities in New York, Montreal, Toronto and Hong Kong. As an undergraduate he was at McGill University, and then did graduate work at Columbia University where he received an M.A. and a Ph.D., in history. Dr. Hertz also has international law degrees from Cambridge University and the University of Toronto.


Introduction

This letter to my Aunt Rita builds on my two 2009 Jerusalem Post articles, versions of which also appear on this website. Posted in January 2011, "When Does Criticizing Israel Become Anti-Semitic?" uses contemporary human-rights methodologies to explore the modern meaning of anti-Semitism. Most recently posted in May 2020, "Aboriginal Rights of the Jewish People" interprets Jewish history in the light of the political and legal doctrines of aboriginal rights and the self-determination of Peoples. As previously, the emphasis here is on the key principle of non-discrimination which is fundamental to human-rights methodologies and bedrock for understanding how to properly address matters pertaining to Jews, Judaism, the Jewish People and Israel.


Jews partly to blame in the 1930s?

My question to you about what you thought back in the 1930s assumed that you then already knew that Jews were having a hard time in Europe. I asked you what you then thought about that sad news, because I wanted to know whether at that time you ever imagined that Jews were perhaps partly to blame for the harsh treatment that they were getting from the Nazis. The reason I inquired was to make a telling point about the insidious and persistent nature of anti-Semitism.



Adolf Hitler's persistent expression of hatred for Jews
was prelude to killing 6 million Jews in the Holocaust.


Always a reason for targeting Jews?

In the minds of Jew-haters, there is always a psychologically plausible rationale for abusing Jews. Back in the 1930s and 1940s the rationale was what Germany's leader Adolf Hitler regularly expressed in his mad ravings. Today, the rationale is in the anti-Israel rants of Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad and Turkey's Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

But you must know that Muslims have generally been despising and oppressing Jews for the last 1400 years. In fact, part of the proof of the continuous presence of Jews in the aboriginal Jewish homeland is the historical evidence showing that, from the Arab conquest in the first half of the 7th century CE, Jews there were victims of persistent discrimination and periodic persecution.



Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan
seeks political gain via fanning Muslim hatred for Jews and Israel.


Anti-Semitism an illness?

Also tainting the minds of some Jews, anti-Semitism is simultaneously a toxic ideology and a mental disorder. Anti-Semites are emotionally predisposed to believe bad things about Jews, Judaism, the Jewish People and Israel. Anti-Semites are emotionally unable to discipline themselves to regularly apply to Jews, the Jewish People and Israel the identical standards regularly applied to other Peoples and countries, in the same or similar circumstances.

This persistent discrimination is nourished by stubborn cognitive dissonance regarding Jewish history and peoplehood. The circumstance that the Jewish People has been under history's spotlight for more than two millennia does not deter anti-Semites from ambivalence or rejection with respect to key issues such as: the Jewish People's existence as a People like other Peoples; its political right to self-determination; and its aboriginal right to live safely in its historic homeland. There, in greater or lesser numbers, self-identified "Jews" have lived in each and every year since antiquity.


Some Jews anti-Semitic?

Recent days again prove that there are some outspoken Jews whose minds have fallen prey to anti-Semitism. And how could it be otherwise? The larger Western and Muslim societies have for centuries been warped by an enduring discrimination against Judaism, Jews and the Jewish People that is one of the ideological foundation stones of both civilizations. Therefore I can understand why some Jews are themselves uncomfortable and discriminatory with regard to Jewish topics, including matters touching Israel. Whether consciously or not, their thinking is biased by the anti-Semitism that is almost everywhere around them. And, there have always been some Jews who seek substantial personal gain by ostentatiously attacking Judaism, Jews, the Jewish People and Israel.


Advertising Holocaust survivor parents,
USA academic Norman Finkelstein has built a career
that focuses on attacking the Jewish People and Israel. 


Jews escape by betraying their own People?

Some highly-placed French Jews of the 1930s and 1940s scorned their pitiful Jewish cousins from Eastern Europe. In fact, there were some elite French Jews who shared many of the anti-Semitic feelings of their Christian neighbours. But, that demonstration of Jewish solidarity with Christian prejudice did not save those snobbish French Jews from the Nazi gas chambers, as was discovered by a long-time Jewish friend of the Vichy French leader Marshall Philippe Pétain.


Primed to believe bad things about Israel?

Like some non-Jews, there are now Jews in Europe and North America strangely expert on the topic of "the many crimes" of Israel. But truth be told, Israel is a country like any number of other countries, though one now in a particularly tight situation.

This recalls to mind the 1990s when Canada was in peril. Then, the international press had already given up on Canada which "smart talk" predicted would collapse in the face of Quebec separatism. What nonsense that turned out to be! But such faulty assessments occur when the media relentlessly push a skewed story line. By contrast, proper journalism requires fairness, including the presentation of relevant facts in a broad, horizontal context.

Sad to say, fairness and a comparative optic are generally absent in reporting about Israel. This in itself is a manifestation of the tsunami of anti-Semitism now washing over Europe and the Mideast, but also with major impacts elsewhere.


Israel linked to the Jewish People?

The more than 6.5 million Jews living in Israel are now the world's single largest Jewish community. Israel's Jews steadily approach half of world Jewry and are 75% of that small country's total population. Worldwide, most Jews see Israel as "the Jewish State." This means that Jews generally regard Israel as their aboriginal homeland and as the political expression of Jewish self-determination as a People, among the world's Peoples. An approach based on modern human-rights methodologies would therefore understand the topic of Israel as inextricably linked to that of the Jewish People, which for close to 2,000 years has been an historically-victimized entity.


Enhanced protection?

Questions regarding the Jewish People and Israel deserve the same empathy and sensitivity normally accorded matters touching, e.g., Black Americans and the Aboriginal Peoples of Canada. The latter two populations are also instances of historically-victimized groups, which human-rights methodologies significantly identify as meriting: apology for deep historical wrongs; significant reparation; and enhanced protection in the form of extra vigilance against renewed attempts to re-victimize that same disadvantaged group.

In the same way and to a similar (or greater) extent -- apology, reparation and extra vigilance are also owed to the Jewish People whose centuries-long sufferings have certainly been no less than that of Black Americans and the Aboriginal Peoples of Canada. Modern human-rights methodologies can therefore offer some criteria as starting points for crafting fair assessments of Israel.


Human rights suggest what?

1. Fair criticism is fine, but try to avoid "loose talk" likely to be discriminatory -- because Israel is home to the Jewish People, for close to two millennia a preeminent example of an historically-victimized population.

2. Anti-Israel words and deeds are prima facie suspect with reference to a chronic tendency to discriminate against Jews, which has been historically epidemic in Western and Islamic countries.

3. No other People has suffered more deeply than the Jewish People and no other People has greater entitlement to protection from the hate speech and evil-doing of racists, bigots and ideologues.

4. Because Jews, Judaism, and the Jewish People are owed fairness and sound social science, accusations require reasoned substantiation that must always apply to Israel standards identical to those regularly applied to other countries, in the same or similar circumstances.

5. The modern meaning of "anti-Semitism" includes persistently targeting Israel and persistently applying to Israel a more exigent standard than regularly applied to other countries, in the same or similar circumstances.


Anti-Semites on Jews and Israel

Anti-Semites (including some Jews) invert the foregoing propositions. First, they are notoriously incautious with regard to their wild talk about Israel which they savagely attack on every possible occasion. Second, anti-Semites are emotionally disposed to instantly credit even the most improbable anti-Israel accusations. Third, anti-Semites regularly accord Jews, the Jewish People and Israel less protection than normally afforded other Peoples and countries. Fourth, anti-Semites consistently fail to regularly apply to Jews, the Jewish People and Israel, the identical standards regularly applied to other Peoples and countries, in the same or similar circumstances. And these are not trivial sins!


Propaganda war against Israel?

No small country could easily survive the weight of such comprehensive and persistent discrimination. We in Canada ought to know this when we reflect on the endless lies separatists told about our great constitutional democracy. There was then a propaganda war against Canada, as today there is an even more dangerous campaign of discriminatory misinformation aimed at harming Israel and the Jewish People. If unchecked, this persistent discrimination could significantly contribute to the likelihood of Israel's defeat, probably resulting in the death or flight of the more than 6.5 million Jews there.


Killing another 6 million Jews?

Whether by Jews or non-Jews, such persistent discrimination is reprehensible beyond description! Dare we forget the Holocaust of the 1940s? And in centuries past, there were also many other large-scale attacks on Jews, whether by Christians in Europe or by Muslims in the Islamic lands.

Historically, anti-Semitism has shown itself to be an "action item." This means that expressions of hatred for Judaism and the Jewish People have in the past paved the way for further forms of discrimination, including persecution and the widespread killing of Jews. So, we can readily understand that persistently discriminating against Israel could similarly lead to the killing of the Jews there, by one or more of conventional, chemical, bacteriological and nuclear weapons.

Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad
expresses hatred for the Jewish People and Israel.
Is this "hate speech" prelude to killing the Jews there?

Saturday, January 2, 2010

מתי מתיחת ביקורת על ישראל הופכת להיות אנטישמית?

מאת Allen Z. Hertz, Ph.D., LL.B., LL.M.

The Global Forum for Combating Antisemitism (Jerusalem) prepared this Hebrew-language translation of "When Does Criticizing Israel Become Anti-Semitic?" The essay originally appeared on the Opinion page of The Jerusalem Post on February 17, 2009. A revised English-language version and a Chinese-language translation are also available on this website.

האם היהודים הם עם?

על פי מילון Merriam-Webster Online, אנטישמיות פירושה "עוינות או אפליה כלפי יהודים כקבוצה דתית, אתנית או גזעית". הגדרה זו מזכירה לנו שהיהודים הם יותר מאשר חסידים של דת מסוימת, כלומר, היהודים גם מזהים את עצמם כקבוצה אתנית-תרבותית, כשבט, כעם – בדיוק כפי שיש עם יפני או עם איטלקי.


"חומת אש" בין ביקורת על ישראל לבין אנטישמיות?

כמו למדינות אחרות, לישראל יש מאפיינים שמזמינים ביקורת. אבל, יצירת ביקורת הוגנת היא בעייתית משום שהיא דורשת משהו כמו כבוד לצדק טבעי, שיקול לגבי נורמות המקובלות על הכלל, התייחסות לאופן פעולה מקובל של מדינות, כמו גם מתן סיבות לתמוך בכושר שיפוט מסוים. לפיכך, מתיחת ביקורת על ישראל היא לא בהכרח אנטישמית. עם זאת, אין זה נכון לומר שישנה הבדלה הגיונית שמונעת מבעד מתכונת קבועה של ביקורת מרה כלפי ישראל מלהיות אנטישמית. להפך, המתודולוגיות שבהן משתמשים במשך יותר מחמישים שנה של חוק מודרני לזכויות אדם מראות בבירור כי מתכונת קבועה של הטחת ביקורת מפלה כלפי ישראל היא אנטישמית.


מדוע ביקורת כלפי ישראל הופכת להיות אנטישמית?

מתכונת קבועה של ביקורת מפלה כלפי ישראל היא אנטישמית משום שהמתודולוגיות המודרניות של זכויות אדם הן נבונות מספיק כדי לבחון לא רק את המתכונת של ביקורת על התנהגות אלא גם את ההשפעות האפשריות של אותה מתכונת. חשוב על הדבר הבא:
(1) העם היהודי היה קורבן במהלך ההיסטוריה במשך יותר מ-2,000 שנה, בדיוק כפי שעמי הילידים בקנדה והאפריקאים-אמריקאים היו קורבנות לאורך ההיסטוריה.
(2) כיום בישראל, שבה יושבת מחצית מאוכלוסיית היהודים בעולם, היא המולדת ההיסטורית והנוכחית של העם היהודי, בדיוק כפי שיוון היא ביתו של העם היווני.

כאשר שוקלים את שתי הנקודות האלה כנגד המתודולוגיות המודרניות של זכויות אדם, המסקנה היא שמתכונת קבועה של ביקורת מפלה כלפי ישראל היא אנטישמית משום שהיא צפויה לפגוע ביהודים.


מבקרים של ישראל קשורים לשונאי יהודים מבחינה סטטיסטית?

מחיצה אטומה ודמיונית שמפרידה את ישראל מהעם היהודי היא בלתי סבירה, בדיוק כפי שלא סביר לנתק את הרעיון של סין מהעם הסיני של שושלת האן או את טורקיה מהעם הטורקי. זוהי נקודה חשובה משום שסימן ההיכר של האנטישמי המודרני היא בדיוק ההסתמכות על הטענה הלא משכנעת כי ישנו קו ברור שמונע מבעד מתכונת קבועה של ביקורת מרה כלפי ישראל מלהיות אנטישמית. להפך, העדות הסטטיסטית מקשרת את המבקרים של ישראל לאנטישמיים. ראשית, סקרי דעת קהל נוטים להראות קורלציה בין משיבים שמתנגדים נמרצות לישראל ובין אלה שמפגינים רגשות שליליים ברורים כלפי יהודים והיהדות. שנית, תיעודים משטרתיים מאירופה ומכל מקום אחר חושפים עלייה חדה במאורעות אנטישמיים שהתרחשותם חופפת לפעולות צבאיות גדולות שישראל מעורבת בהן, לדוגמה, בלבנון  2006) ולאחרונה בעזה.

בנוסף לכך, ארגוני טרור אנטי ישראליים מציבים להם כמטרה גם יהודים מקומיים במדינות זרות, כמו בפיגוע הטרור נגד הקהילה היהודית בבואנוס איירס ב-1994. לפיכך, אלה שמסבירים או מצדיקים את האנטישמיות בהדגישם פשעים כביכול של ישראל, מאשרים במקביל כי ישנו קשר בין ישראל לעם היהודי.


מה משמעותה של האנטישמיות כיום?

האנטישמיות המודרנית יכולה לכלול ביטוי חזק ויחיד נגד ישראל כגון "להטיל פצצת אטום על ישראל!". אין ספק שהצהרה ספציפית זו היא אנטישמית, משום שהיא מבקשת בבירור להשתמש בכלי נשק גרעיניים על מנת להרוג קרוב לשישה מיליוני יהודים, שמהווים 75% מכלל האוכלוסייה בישראל וכמחצית מכלל היהודים בעולם.

עם זאת, בנוסף להערה אנטישמית ברורה ויחידה זו, ישנה גם האנטישמית המצטברת בדמות מתכונות קבועות של ביקורת מפלה כלפי ישראל. משמעות הדבר היא שהאנטישמיות גם כוללת הצבה של היהודים ושל ישראל באופן מתמיד כמטרה ושימוש בתקן תובעני יותר כלפי יהודים ו/או ישראל מאשר כלפי עמים ומדינות שנמצאים באותן נסיבות או בנסיבות דומות.

ניתן גם לומר על ידידים של ישראל שהם "מציבים כמטרה" את ישראל משום שגם הם מתמקדים בישראל. ידידים נוטים להקדיש תשומת לב יתרה לישראל מאשר למדינות אחרות. עם זאת, לא סביר שהם יכתימו את ישראל בכך שהם יצפו מישראל ליותר מאשר מדינות אחרות. להפך, סביר שהידידים יגנו על ישראל באמצעות הפעלת תקן פחות תובעני.

גם אנטישמיים תוקפים כל הזמן את ישראל, אבל לאחר מכן הולכים צעד קדימה וכל הזמן שופטים את ישראל בהתאם לקריטריונים מחמירים שהם לא משתמשים בהם בדרך כל כלפי מדינות אחרות. אנטישמיים מבקשים להציג את ישראל באור שלילי. המניע הבסיסי שלהם הוא זדוני, משום שהם מבקשים להשמיץ את ישראל כדי לבדות הצדקות לנקיטת אמצעים חריפים שסביר שיגרמו נזק חמור ליהודים, בין אם בישראל או מחוצה לה.


מדוע האנטישמיות היא כה חזקה?

בגלל התייחסות מזלזלת בבירור כלפי יהודים והיהדות, הטקסטים של בשורת הנצרות ושל הקוראן המוסלמי מילאו תפקיד ישיר בהטמעת גישות חריגות בקרב תרבויות כלפי יהודים והיהדות. בעולם המערבי ובעולם האסלאמי, אנשים רבים מוצאים כי זה טבעי לאמץ השקפות מיוחדות (לעתים קרובות שליליות) לגבי יהודים והיהדות. עם זאת, לעתים קרובות ישנה אי מודעות לכך שהתוכנה התרבותית השלטת נגועה בצורה כה משמעותית בווירוס האנטישמיות. מסיבה זו, אנשים רבים מרגישים בנוח לתקוף באופן מתמיד את היהודים ו/או את ישראל, ולמדוד את היהודים ו/או את ישראל לפי תקן תובעני יותר מאשר זה שלרוב נמצא בשימוש כלפי עמים אחרים ומדינות אחרות שנמצאים באותן נסיבות או בנסיבות דומות.


כיצד התחילה השואה?

לצעוק "יהודי מלוכלך!" או לתקוף יהודים בפוגרומים או לשלוח יהודים למות במחנות ריכוז, כל אלה הם ללא ספק פעולות אנטישמיות. אבל לאנשים רבים בעולם המערבי ובעולם האסלאמי ישנה בורות שמונעת מהם לזהות אנטישמיות בצורות ביטוי ארסיות אחרות. כאן זה עוזר להיזכר בשואה, בה נרצחו שישה מיליוני יהודים באירופה (1945-1939). המקור הישיר של הפשע הנורא הזה הוא ב-1933, כאשר מנהיגה של גרמניה, אדולף היטלר, הוציא לפועל תוכנית של אפליה מאורגנת היטב אשר בודדה יהודים תוך שימוש באמצעים חוקיים ובירוקרטיים מתאימים.

באותו אופן, האנטישמיים המודרניים רוקמים אסטרטגיות כדי לתמוך במתכונות קבועות של אפליה מרה נגד ישראל, לדוגמה, בארגונים של האומות המאוחדות. האסטרטגיה היא ליצור דמוניזציה של ישראל בכך ששופטים אותה ללא הרף על פי תקן מחמיר יותר מאשר זה שנמצא בשימוש כלפי מדינות אחרות. השאיפה הסופית היא להצדיק את ההשמדה של ישראל ואת הריגת שישה מיליון התושבים היהודים בה.


היהודים מושמצים על ידי האנטישמיות?

הטיעון ad hominem של להיות יהודי או בן להורים יהודים (אפילו כאלה ששרדו ממחנות ריכוז) אינו הגנה הגיונית להאשמה באנטישמיות. כיום, יהודים רבים לא מבינים כי המשמעות של אנטישמיות כוללת כל מתכונת קבועה של אפליה כלפי יהודים ו/או ישראל. רבים משערים בנפשם באופן כוזב כי מכיוון שהם עצמם יהודים, יש להם רישיון מיוחד להיות מעורבים באופן חופשי במתכונות הקבועות האלה של אפליה כלפי יהודים ו/או ישראל. עם זאת, הנזק שנגרם על ידי יהודים אלה הוא אמיתי כמו הנזק שנגרם על ידי האנטישמיות מצד לא יהודים. למעשה, מתכונות קבועות מעין אלה של אפליה נגד ישראל בידי יהודים יכולות לגרום אפילו יותר נזק, משום שיהודים יכולים להשיג מהימנות רבה יותר בכך שהם מכריזים על מוצאם היהודי.


רישיון אידיאולוגי להתיר אפליה נגד ישראל?

המתודולוגיות של זכויות אדם לא מציעות דבר שירמז על כך של-"ימין" או ל-"שמאל" יש היתר לתת לגיטימציה למתכונות קבועות של אפליה נגד יהודים ו/או ישראל. פירושו של דבר הוא שלא ניתן להצדיק את האנטישמיות בכך שצמחה תועלת רבה יותר כביכול מהנאציזם, פשיזם, סוציאליזם, קומוניזם, סביבתנות, אנטי קולוניאליזם, תנועת המדינות הבלתי מזדהות, או בכל גורם או אידיאולוגיה אחרים. אף על פי כן, רבים מאויבי ישראל נשארים בטוחים באופן מדהים באמונה המוטעית שלהם שהתורה המועדפת עליהם מקנה להם את הזכות לעסוק במתכונת קבועה כזו של אפליה, ובמקביל מחסנת אותם מפני האשמות אנטישמיות. זוהי אשליה מצערת וריקה. יושר והגינות אינטלקטואליים דורשים שנמעיט בערך האנטישמיות של אלה שתוקפים באופן מתמיד את היהודים ו/או את ישראל, ומשתמשים כלפי יהודים ו/או ישראל בתקן מחמיר יותר מאשר זה שבדרך כלל משמש כלפי עמים או מדינות אחרים שנמצאים באותן נסיבות או בנסיבות דומות.

Allen Z. Hertz, שחי כעת בדרום סין, היה בעבר יועץ בכיר במשרד הייעוץ הפרטי שמשרת את ראש ממשלת קנדה ואת הקבינט הפדרלי. בעבר הוא עבר במשרד החוץ של קנדה ולפני כן לימד היסטוריה ומשפטים באוניברסיטאות ב-New York, Montreal, Toronto ו-Hong Kong. הוא למד היסטוריה ושפות באוניברסיטת McGill ב-Montreal (B.A.) ולאחר מכן היסטוריה של מזרח אירופה, הבלקן והאימפריה העותומאנית באוניברסיטת Columbia ב-New York (M.A., Ph.D.). מאוחר יותר הוא זכה בתוארי משפטים בינלאומיים מאוניברסיטת Cambridge (LL.B.) ומאוניברסיטת Toronto (LL.M.). המאמר שלהלן פורסם לראשונה בטור הדעות של Jerusalem Post, 17 בפברואר 2009.

Tuesday, December 8, 2009

对以色列的批评何时会演变成反犹主义言论?

Allen Z. Hertz, Ph.D.  贺雅士 博士

作者曾作为高级顾问任职于加拿大枢密院办公室为加拿大总理和联邦内阁工作。此前,作者还曾在纽约、蒙特利尔、多伦多和香港的多所大学教授历史和法律。作者现居华南。

A senior philosopher from a leading Chinese university prepared this Chinese-language version of "When Does Criticizing Israel Become Anti-Semitic?" The essay originally appeared on the Opinion page of the Jerusalem Post on February 17, 2009. A revised English-language version and a Hebrew-language translation are also available on this website.

犹太人是一个民族吗?


根据梅兰姆-韦伯斯特在线词典(Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary)的解释,反犹主义是“针对作为一个宗教、族裔或种族的犹太人群的敌意或歧视”。这个定义提醒我们,犹太人并非单纯指那些固执信奉一个特定宗教的人;犹太人还作为一个文化族裔群体、一个部族、一个民族来认定自己的身份,正如日本人、意大利人将自己认定为一个民族那样。


对以色列的批评与反犹主义之间的“防火墙”?


像其他任何国家一样, 以色列也有其可批评之处。但是,提出公允的批评并非易事,因为这要求人们做到以下几点:尊重自然正义、考虑普遍适用的规范、参照一般国家的通行惯例,以及给出合理论证以支持具体判断。因此,可以说,批评以色列并不必然意味着反犹。然而,下面的看法却是站不住脚的,即认为以固定模式对色列持续地进行的激烈批评和反犹言论之间存在一个逻辑的划分标准。恰恰相反,实施了半个多世纪的现代人权法方法论充分表明,以固定的模式针对以色列进行歧视性的批评是反犹的。


为什么对以色列的批评会变成反犹的?


我们说以固定模式针对以色列进行歧视性批评就是反犹,是基于现代人权方法论。这种方法论有充分的敏锐度。它不仅可以检测出受指责的行为的模式,而且还可以探明这种模式的可能后果。我们来考虑下面的情况:(1) 从历史上看,犹太人在去两千多年中是一个备受伤害的民族,正如加拿大的土著人以及非洲裔美国人也曾经受到伤害。(2)如今拥有世界上犹太人口的二分之一的以色列在历史上曾经是而且现在还仍然是犹太民族的祖国,正如希腊是希腊人的祖国。当我们依照现代人权方法论来考虑这两点时,我们就能得出这样的结论,即一个对以色列的歧视性批评的固定模式是反犹主义的,因为它非常可能伤害犹太人。


对以色列的批评从统计上看与反犹主义者相关吗?


以一个想象的密封舱来区隔以色列和犹太民族的做法几乎是不可能的,正如我们无法将中国与汉族分开,或者将土耳其与土耳其人分开。这一点非常重要,因为现代反犹主义的标志就是它依赖如下这个站不住脚的说法,即以固定的模式对以色列进行严厉的批评不会导致反犹主义,因为这中间存在着一条清晰的界限。事实恰恰相反,统计数据表明,对以色列的批评与反犹主义是相连的。首先,民意调查显示,在被访者中,激烈反对以色列的人与对犹太人及犹太教有反感情绪的人之间存在着统计上的相关性。其次,欧洲及其他地方的警察记录显示,针对犹太人的犯罪高峰总是同以色列采取的重大军事行动相伴随,如2006年在黎巴嫩以及最近在加沙的军事行动。不仅如此,针对以色列的恐怖组织也以身处其他国家的犹太人为目标,如1994年在布宜诺斯艾利斯对犹太社区中心发动的恐怖袭击。因此,那些指出以色列的所谓劣行、并以此来为反犹主义进行解释和辩护的人,恰恰认定以色列与犹太民族的联系。


反犹主义当今意味着什么?


现代反犹主义可以包括这样一个突出的、激烈的反犹口号“核攻击以色列!” 这一宣言显然是反犹的,因为它明确号召用核武器杀死近六百万犹太人,即75%的以色列人口,占世界犹太人总人口的一半。然而,除了这种显而易见的个别反犹言论,我们还可以在批评以色列的固定模式中找到一种不断增长的反犹主义。它以这样的方式进行,即总是以犹太人或者以色列为攻击目标;对犹太人和/或以色列所设立的标准总是比为其他民族和国家设立的标准更加苛刻。

对以色列友好的人士也常常因为过于注意以色列而被说成是“针对”以色列。这些人倾向于给以色列较其他国家更多的关注。但他们不大可能对以色列提出高于其他国家的标准并借此来抹黑以色列。恰恰相反,友好人士往往对以色列应用较为宽容的标准,并试图以此来维护以色列。反犹主义者也总是针对以色列,但他们总是进一步用苛刻的标准评判以色列,而这些标准他们一般不加诸其他国家。反犹主义总是试图对以色列进行负面的描绘。这其中所暗藏的动机是险恶的——他们对以色列进行持续不断的污蔑,为的是使人们相信,运用极端手段来伤害犹太人(无论是在以色列的还是在其他地方的犹太人)是正当的。

反犹主义的力量为何如此之大?


在基督教的福音书以及穆斯林的古兰经中都有明确的针对犹太人和犹太教的负面描述,这对于培育歧视犹太人和犹太教的文明起到直接作用。在西方以及伊斯兰世界,许多人觉得对犹太人区别看待(常常是在负面意义上)是非常自然的。然而,人们往往很少意识到,他们身处其中的主流文化早已深深感染了反犹主义的病毒。由于这个原因,许多人持续不断地以犹太人和/或以色列为攻击目标,持续不断地以更为严苛的标准(较之用于其他民族和国家的标准)要求犹太人和/或以色列,而在这样做时他们总是心安理得。


大屠杀是如何开始的?


大声喊出“肮脏的犹太人!”、对犹太人实行有计划的集体屠杀或者把犹太人送往集中营并让他们死在那里,这些做法显然都是反犹。但许多生活在西方及伊斯兰世界的人都有一个盲点,使得他们无法辨别反犹主义其他有害的表现方式。在此我们有必要回顾一下从1939年到1945年发生在欧洲的大屠杀(这场大屠杀杀害了六百万犹太人)。这一恐怖的罪行直接发端于1933年。当时,德国首脑人物阿道夫•希特勒开启了一项精心策划的歧视犹太人的行动方案,通过法律和行政途径将犹太人从其他人当中甄别出来。现代反犹主义者以同样方式谋划各种策略,来支持恶意歧视以色列的固定模式,例如,在联合国的各种组织内。这种策略就是以较之对其他国家更严格的标准来不断苛责以色列,从而达到将其妖魔化的目的。其最终目的就是为毁灭以色列并杀死那里的六百万犹太人辩护。


沾染了反犹色彩的犹太人?


特定的个人指出自己是犹太人或自己的父母是犹太人(甚至自己是集中营的幸存者),所有这些都并不能从逻辑上证明他或她必然不是反犹主义者。在当今的世界中,许多犹太人并不明白,反犹主义的表现之一就是以固定的模式进行针对犹太人和/或以色列的歧视。很多人错误地认为,由于他们自己是犹太人,他们便有资格毫无顾忌地以固定的模式对犹太人和/或以色列进行歧视。然而,犹太人的反犹言论与非犹太人的反犹言论所造成的危害同样真实。事实上,当犹太人以固定的模式发表反以色列的歧视性言论时,他们会造成更大的伤害,因为关于自己是犹太人的鼓吹会给他们带来更大的可信度。


一个容许歧视以色列的意识形态的许可证

人权方法论中没有任何地方暗示,“左翼”或“右翼”人士有权以固定的模式歧视犹太人和/或以色列。有一类为反犹主义进行的辩护从某个意识形态(如纳粹主义、法西斯主义、社会主义、共产主义、环保主义、反殖民主义、不结盟运动)的立场出发,声称反犹是为了达到所谓更高的目的。这类辩护是完全站不住脚的,不管它以完成什么事业为借口,也不管它基于什么意识形态的理由。然而,许多以色列的敌人却仍对自己的错误想法抱有异乎寻常的信心,他们仍然坚定地相信,其所奉行的学说使他们有权肆无忌惮地以固定的模式进行歧视活动,而同时又可以使他们免于被指责为反犹主义者。这完全是一种可怜而空洞的幻觉。理智的真诚和正直要求我们明确反对这样的反犹主义者,他们持续不断地以犹太人和/或以色列为攻击目标,并总是用更为严苛的标准(较之用于其他民族或国家的标准)要求犹太人和/或以色列。

© Allen Z. Hertz